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In Silicon Valley Imperialism, Erin McElroy maps the processes of gentrification, racial dispossession, and economic predation that drove the development of Silicon Valley in the San Francisco Bay Area and how that logic has become manifest in postsocialist Romania. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and archival research in Romania and the United States, McElroy exposes the mechanisms through which the appeal of Silicon Valley technocapitalism devours space and societies, displaces residents, and generates extreme income inequality in order to expand its reach. In Romania, dreams of privatization updated fascist and anti-Roma pasts and socialist-era underground computing practices. At the same time, McElroy accounts for the ways Romanians are resisting Silicon Valley capitalist logics, where anticapitalist and anti-imperialist activists and protesters build on socialist-era worldviews not to restore state socialism but rather to establish more just social formations. Attending to the violence of Silicon Valley imperialism, McElroy reveals technocapitalism as an ultimately unsustainable model of rapacious economic and geographic growth

The work starts from Polybius' point about 202 B.C. being the moment when world-conquest became practical for Rome, and then analyze how the conflict with Carthage (i.e. 264 B.C. onwards) was fundamental in transforming the Roman State in various ways to reach this point. A particular emphasis is given to the institutional element, in order to take into account and unite in one place all those developments that took place both prior to and during the Hannibalic War (prorogation, institutional expansion, step-changes in military deployment, increasing flexibility, etc.) that clearly affected Rome's expansionist policy. The goal of the work is to show that what really changed in 201 B.C. was not the "ambition to rule" in a general sense – as that was always present in Roman society – but the capability by the Romans to fulfil their ambitions, and that this awareness was reached thanks to the new military and political institutions developed especially during the Hannibalic war.

[spa] La expansión romana continúa siendo, desde la pionera obra de Mommsen, un tema de especial importancia en el amplio campo de conocimiento que supone la Historia Antigua del Mediterráneo. Entre sus implicaciones, la dimensión jurídica de la guerra y su aplicación sobre el terreno adquiere una particular relevancia. Sin embargo, mientras abundan los trabajos centrados en episodios bélicos concretos, no son frecuentes aquellos que abordan esta problemática desde una perspectiva global. En nuestra opinión, es necesario considerar e interconectar cada conflicto en su contexto histórico y, en el caso del estudio del ius belli, se deben aglutinar diferentes escenarios con la finalidad de conseguir un amplio abanico de análisis y unas conclusiones más sólidas. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que existió una norma consuetudinaria que regulaba las actitudes de los generales en relación al enemigo, nuestro objetivo principal es determinar si existió una praxis diferencial en función del grado de urbanización del territorio, de su nivel económico y desarrollo cultural. Para ello, realizamos un amplio recorrido a través de las campañas militares romanas en el período 200-167 a.C. (bloques II y III del trabajo), años en que la potencia itálica mantuvo abiertos varios frentes bélicos en Occidente (Hispania, Galia Cisalpina, Liguria y Córcega-Cerdeña), que combinó con el desarrollo de grandes guerras internacionales en el escenario oriental (II Guerra Macedónica, Antíoco III y III Guerra Macedónica). La identificación de los diferentes episodios de rendición incondicional (deditio) y de asalto armado (oppugnatio) se desarrolla en el bloque IV, y constituye la base para la clasificación de las exigencias que Roma realizó a las poblaciones sometidas, pudiéndose distinguir diferentes cláusulas y represalias en función de la forma de subyugación. Entre las medidas correspondientes a la deditio hallamos la solicitud de rehenes, la rendición del armamento, la colaboración militar, la obligación de albergar tropas y la imposición de una serie de multas económicas. Por su parte, tras el asalto armado, las represalias conllevaron un mayor grado de violencia, pudiéndose identificar actuaciones de carácter económico (el saqueo del núcleo), territorial (la fragmentación territorial, el traslado de poblaciones y el desmantelamiento físico del núcleo) y personal (esclavización de los supervivientes y aplicación selectiva de la pena de muerte). El último bloque de la tesis está dedicado a la comparación de la intervención romana en ambos escenarios del Mediterráneo (Occidente y Oriente), analizando cada una de las medidas adoptadas por Roma en un contexto comparativo de mayor amplitud. Los datos analizados a lo largo del trabajo apuntan a la existencia de una estrategia estatal romana cuyos objetivos fueron variando en función del territorio: en Occidente el dominio territorial directo y en Oriente la sumisión política y diplomática. Así se demuestra en las cláusulas tras rendición incondicional: mientras en Hispania y Galia destacan las medidas de carácter militar, en Grecia las exigencias económicas y personales primaron sobre el resto. En referencia a las oppugnationes, el saqueo aparece documentado en ambas vertientes, pero si comparamos los datos del beneficio económico obtenido detectamos una asimetría claramente favorable al escenario oriental. El recurso a la esclavización se comprende como un método orientado a conseguir mayores ingresos, y se detecta mayoritariamente en Occidente y en zonas orientales con un reducido grado de desarrollo institucional. También la intervención sobre el territorio se presenta como un factor diferencial, ya que mientras en el Levante europeo se recurrió, mayoritariamente, a la destrucción de murallas, en Poniente destaca el arrasamiento de núcleos y los traslados de población, de lo que se colige un mayor interés en el control territorial directo. Finalmente, en todo este entramado, la aplicación de determinadas cláusulas y represalias se vio influida por los objetivos romanos en política exterior. Asimismo, también desempeñaron un papel fundamental los intereses de los generales, de modo que la guerra funcionaba como una herramienta para el acceso a magistraturas de más alto nivel. ; [cat] L'expansió romana es manté, des de la pionera obra de Mommsen, com un tema d'especial importància en l'ampli camp de coneixement que és la Història Antiga del Mediterrani. Entre les seves implicacions, la qüestió jurídica de la guerra i la seva aplicació pràctica adquireixen una especial rellevància. No obstant això, mentre destaquen els treballs centrats en episodis concrets, no són freqüents els que tracten aquest problema des d'una perspectiva global. En la nostra opinió, és necessari considerar i interconnectar cada intervenció en el seu context històric i, en el cas de l'estudi de l'ius belli, cal reunir diferents escenaris per tal d'obtenir una àmplia gamma d'anàlisi i conclusions més sòlides. Partint de la hipòtesi que existia una norma habitual que regulava les actituds dels generals devers l'enemic, el nostre objectiu principal és determinar si va existir una pràctica de diferencial segons el grau d'urbanització del territori, del seu desenvolupament econòmic i cultural. Per això, duem a terme un ampli recorregut a través de les campanyes militars romanes en el període 200-167 a.C. (blocs II i III de l'obra), anys en que la potència itàlica va mantenir oberts diversos fronts bèl•lics a Occident (Hispania, Gàl•lia Cisalpina, Ligúria i Sardenya-Còrsega), que combinava amb el desenvolupament de grans guerres internacionals a l'escenari oriental (II guerra Macedònica, Antíoco III i III Guerra Macedònica). La identificació dels diferents episodis de rendició incondicional (deditio) i assalt armat (oppugnatio) es fa en el bloc IV i constitueix la base per a la classificació de les exigències fetes per Roma a les poblacions sotmeses, entre els quals es poden distingir diferents clàusules i represàlies en base a la forma de submissió. Entre les mesures corresponents a la deditio trobem la petició d'ostatges, el lliurament d'armes, l'obligació de col•laboració militar de les tropes i la imposició d'una sèrie de sancions econòmiques. Per la seva banda, les represàlies després dels assalts tenien un major grau de violència, i es poden identificar en actuacions de caràcter econòmic (saqueig del nucli), territorial (la fragmentació territorial, el trasllat de poblacions i la destrucció de nuclis) i personal (esclavització dels supervivents i aplicació selectiva de la pena de mort). El darrer bloc de la tesi està dedicat a la comparació de la intervenció romana en ambdós escenaris (Occident i Orient), analitzant cadascuna de les mesures adoptades per Roma en un context comparatiu de major amplitud. Les dades analitzades al llarg del treball indiquen a l'existència d'una estratègia estatal, amb uns objectius que eren diferents en funció del territori: en Occident el domini territorial directe, i en Orient la submissió política i diplomàtica. Així es demostra entre les clàusules derivades de la rendició incondicional: mentre que a Hispània i Gàl•lia destaquen les mesures militars, a Grècia es detecten exigències econòmiques i personals. Pel que fa a les oppugnationes, el saqueig apareix documentat en ambdues vessants, però si comparem les dades del benefici econòmic obtingut hi detectem una asimetria clarament favorable a l'escenari oriental. El recurs a l'esclavització es comprèn com un mètode orientat a aconseguir majors ingressos, i es detecta majoritàriament a Occident i a zones orientals amb un reduït grau de desenvolupament institucional. També la intervenció sobre el territori es presenta com un factor diferencial, ja que mentre al Llevant mediterrani es va recórrer, majoritàriament, a la destrucció de les muralles, a Ponent destaca la destrucció de nuclis i als trasllats de població, del que es pot deduir un major interès en el control territorial directe. Finalment, en tot aquest entramat, l'aplicació de determinades clàusules i represàlies va ser influïda pels objectius romans en política exterior. Així mateix, també varen exercir un paper fonamental els interessos dels generals encarregats de les campanyes, de tal manera que la guerra funcionava con una eina per l'accés a magistratures de més alt nivell. ; [eng] Among the many aspects of Ancient History of the Mediterranean, Roman expansion remains a recurring theme. The legal question of war and its implementation on the ground takes on particular importance. We need to consider and interconnect each conflict in their historical context and, in the case of the study of ius belli, should unite different scenarios in order to get a wide range of analysis and stronger conclusions. Assuming that, there was an unwritten law that regulated the general attitudes towards the enemy, the main objective is to determine whether there was a differential praxis based on the degree of urbanization of the territory, economic status and cultural development. We perform an extensive survey on the Roman military campaigns in the period 200-167 BC (Sections II and III of the work), tears which the Italian military power remained open several fronts in the West (Hispania, Gaul, Liguria and Corsica-Sardinia), which combined with the development of major international wars in the East (Second Macedonian War, Antiochus III and Third Macedonian World). The identification of the different episodes of unconditional surrender (deditio) and armed assault (oppugnatio) is performed in Section IV, and serves to classify the demand that Roma made to subjected populations. We can distinguish different clauses and forms of retaliation depending on the conditions of surrender. Measures relating to the deditio are the demand of hostages, surrender of weapons, military cooperation, the obligation to accommodate troops and the imposition of a series of financial penalties. Meanwhile, after the armed assault, general implemented reprisals with a greater degree of violence: plunder, territorial fragmentation, population transfer, physical destruction, the enslavement of survivors and selective death penalty. The last Section of this Thesis is dedicated to the comparison of the Roman intervention in West and East Mediterranean. Data analysed along research assert the existence of a Roman state strategy, whose objectives were varied depending on the territory: the direct control in West and the political and diplomatic submission in the East. This is demonstrated in the terms after unconditional surrender: while un Hispania and Gaul we can identified military measures, in Greece economic and personal demands prevailed over the rest. Referring to the oppugnationes, plunder is documented in both sides, but if we compare the data of economic benefit we can detect an asymmetry clearly propitious to East. The use of enslavement is understood as a process designed to securing increased revenues, and is mainly detected in the West and eastern areas with a low level of institutional development. The intervention on the territory appears also as a differential factor: in the East the destruction of city walls was the most used retaliation, in the West the razing of cores and population transfers is attested. Finally throughout this framework, the application of certain terms and retaliation was influenced by Roman Foreign Policy Objectives. One must also take into account the interests of the general, and the war worked as a tool for access to higher-level magistracies.

Spiritual Imperialism at the Base of AugusteaThe study of Fascism's program of 'cultural expansion abroad' ('espansione culturale all'estero') must acknowledge the fundamental role played by the journal Augustea, founded in 1925 by Franco Ciarlantini, a prominent editor of the Fascist PNF. Working on the project were, among others, Massimo Bontempelli, Emilio Bodrero, and Arrigo Solmi. The journal combined 'politics, economics, art', and advocated the unity and power of an Italy that would finally be cohesive, and, as such, able to impose itself on the world stage. Power meant expansion in many senses: economically, politically, in regards to the military, but especially in terms of the ideal, artistic, and spiritual. According to the magazine, one needed to replace Italy as a leader of nations by highlighting its cultural supremacy, which dated back to Rome and its empire, and that had been preserved in the following centuries. The Italian cultural hegemony, at the service of foreign policy, was in fact seen as the path to empire, which was seen to require the support of intellectuals, artists, and journalists. The agenda in this way bound itself to the totalitarian project of Fascism; on the one hand there was an internal conquest, a Fascistization, of the new Italian identity designed by Mussolini, and on the other hand an external conquest consisting of a spiritual imperialism, positing Italian society as the natural leader among nations. Culture, in this way, was seen as the medium of both aspects of the conquest.

Taking a good look to a polybian analogy between boxing and greek popular opinions, concerning the struggle among Macedon and Rome during the third Macedonian War, it can be determined the existence of a pre-existing social representation wich identified the athletic fighting with the political combat. This analogy, used by Polybius, was subject of several changes in his historical narrative with the finality of training the greek politician in how to deal with the mob and, consequently, aknowledge Rome as a legitimate contender for the world empire rather than a barbarian. This polybian fragment would be, therefore, not an alegory or a curiosity but a consciously builted tool made for teaching his readers about the proper political praxis. ; Deteniéndonos en una analogía polibiana entre el pugilato y las opiniones populares en Grecia sobre la contienda entre Macedonia y Roma durante la tercera guerra macedónica, se puede determinar la existencia de una representación social previa que identificaba la lucha atlética con el combate político. Esta, utilizada por Polibio, sufrió una serie de cambios que se adecuaron a su propósito de adiestrar, con su narrativa histórica, al líder político griego sobre cómo lidiar con las masas populares y, consecuentemente, reconocer a Roma como un legítimo contrincante por el dominio universal y no un bárbaro. Se trataría esta narración, por lo tanto, no de una curiosidad o una alegoría artificiosa, sino de una herramienta conscientemente construida por Polibio para enseñar a sus lectores sobre la correcta praxis política.

El siguiente trabajo es una propuesta de Unidad Didáctica (UD) de la asignatura de Cultura Clásica en conjunto con el Departamento de Geografía e Historia. Será pues el objetivo presentar el Imperio Romano en contraposición a lo que podríamos considerar el actual "Imperio Americano", centrándonos particularmente en la comparativa de sus gobiernos durante periodos de Pax (del latín pax-pacis: paz). ; The following paper is a Didactic Unit (DU) proposal belonging to the subject of Classical Culture along with the Department of Geography and History. It will them be our objective to present the Roman Empire in contrast to what we would consider the present "American Empire", focusing especially on comparing their respective governments during the period known as Pax (from the latin pax-pacis: peace). ; Departamento de Filología Clásica ; Máster en Profesor de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria y Bachillerato, Formación Profesional y Enseñanzas de Idiomas

Spiritual Imperialism at the Base of AugusteaThe study of Fascism's program of 'cultural expansion abroad' ('espansione culturale all'estero') must acknowledge the fundamental role played by the journal Augustea, founded in 1925 by Franco Ciarlantini, a prominent editor of the Fascist PNF. Working on the project were, among others, Massimo Bontempelli, Emilio Bodrero, and Arrigo Solmi. The journal combined 'politics, economics, art', and advocated the unity and power of an Italy that would finally be cohesive, and, as such, able to impose itself on the world stage. Power meant expansion in many senses: economically, politically, in regards to the military, but especially in terms of the ideal, artistic, and spiritual. According to the magazine, one needed to replace Italy as a leader of nations by highlighting its cultural supremacy, which dated back to Rome and its empire, and that had been preserved in the following centuries. The Italian cultural hegemony, at the service of foreign policy, was in fact seen as the path to empire, which was seen to require the support of intellectuals, artists, and journalists. The agenda in this way bound itself to the totalitarian project of Fascism; on the one hand there was an internal conquest, a Fascistization, of the new Italian identity designed by Mussolini, and on the other hand an external conquest consisting of a spiritual imperialism, positing Italian society as the natural leader among nations. Culture, in this way, was seen as the medium of both aspects of the conquest.

"The book analyzes Transylvania's role in modernity and modernism in juxtaposition with coloniality and inter-imperiality. It does so through an interrogation of the main themes in Liviu Rebreanu's 1920 novel "Ion"--ranging from the land question and capitalist integration through antisemitism and Roma enslavement up to multilingualism, gender relations and religion"--

Although it has been argued that Cameralism had a prominent place in the formation of the modern economic mind and that public happiness was a crucial intersection of early modern economic discourses, its (re) discovery by mainstream economics has been considered partial and unconvincing. Therefore, it is crucial to understand that it was in the aftermath of the political and economic crisis of the Thirty Years' War that happiness was established at the core of the foundations of Spanish Imperialism in the 1650s and then again in the 1760s. The text Signs of Happiness by Francesc Romà i Rossell (1768) is the best thread to reconstruct the evolution of Spanish imperialism. It spins the thread from the 1650s when happiness expanded the public sphere until the publication of his proposal where happiness is defined as the ability to recover from the decline through internal development and the improvement of agriculture, industry, and commerce. It is then when happiness and Cameralist teachings came together to sharpen Romà i Rossell's science of government to transform the monarchy and underpin the creation of the Spanish nation.

Language imperialism and political correctnessIn the times of general globalization, in its part that considers languages, especially the so-called small languages, we can talk not only about an uncontrolled inroad of mainly English words into all walks of life within a society, but also about elements of linguistic imperialism.That imperialism has come about through technology, not by arms and blazing swords, as was mostly the case in history. In addition, the USA – the exporting country of the above mentioned language-imperialistic phenomena around the world, is considered to be the cradle of the much advocated political correctness, which should include basic human rights, one of which is undoubtedly the right to a proper name.It could be argued whether this right is always respected: I will show some examples of proper names of immigrants who had to/wanted to renounce their names in order to be Americanized (''cooked in the American melting pot''). Thus, the Croatian Krešo became Chris, Eva is spelled Eve on the other side of the pond (pronounced /I:v/), and in the global (American) news Michael Stich, a German, is pronounced /majkl stits/, and so on.I will also provide an example of political correctness which is not far from sheer stupidity.Political correctness itself changes with time, which will be illustrated by the Croatian example Ciganin – Rom (Gipsy – Roma(ny)).

A member of the Black Radical Congress reports on the UN World Conference against Racism held in Durban, South Africa, 31 Aug to 7 Sept 2001. In spite of problems within the official US delegation that led them to walk out, the meeting gave many US activists their first exposure to issues of the Dalit, Roma, & Palestinian people, & pointed out the US government's isolation in international politics. The declaration produced by the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) section is described as a landmark achievement in the global antiracist struggle. The 8,000 or so delegates represented a cross-generational group comprised mostly of people of color from the Americas, Africa, & Asia. Their antiglobalization critique focused on both economic & social injustices in the struggle against racism, xenophobia, & other intolerances. North American delegates were uncomfortable with the linkage of racial justice demands & the critique of imperial globalization, wanting instead to keep the discussion within a narrower framework compatible with US economic, political, & military priorities. The implications for US policymakers are discussed. J. Lindroth

Uses globalization as a frame of reference to examine the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism (WCAR), held in Durban, South Africa, in order to shed light on the reasons why the conference's outstanding achievements have been placed "on hold." It is noted that the US boycotted this meeting, as it did world conferences on racism held in Geneva, Switzerland, during 1978 & 1983. It is contended that the Durban conference was the stage for acting out the worldwide struggle between imperialism/anti-imperialism, oppressors/oppressed, landless/land owners, & rich/poor. The attendees represented a multitude of oppressed groups, including the Dalits, the Roma, indigenous peoples, & Africans from all over the world. The group's groundbreaking Final Declaration, which includes an important statement on slavery, has yet to be finalized because of the UN Secretariat's refusal to include three action-oriented paragraphs related to condemnation of, & apologies for, slavery, the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, apartheid, colonialism, & genocide. The African group has refused to accept deletion of the paragraphs, which they believe violates the UN's original mandate to the WCAR president. J. Lindroth

This paper aims to provide a study on the legal bases, procedure and consequences of the assault of cities by Rome during the Republic. Literary sources are the basis of the analysis, which is done from an overall perspective of Roman expansion during the first third of the second century B.C. Military opposition to Roman rule sets the legal basis for the intervention, which results in the application of punitive measures such us plunder, survivors' enslavement and the execution of the responsible. ; El presente trabajo pretende ofrecer un estudio sobre las bases jurídicas, el procedimiento y las consecuencias de los asaltos de núcleos que Roma efectúa durante la época republicana. Los datos contenidos en las fuentes literarias representan la base del análisis, que se realiza desde una perspectiva global de la expansión romana durante el primer tercio del siglo II a.C. La oposición militar a la dominación romana marca la justificación legal de la intervención, que tiene como consecuencia la aplicación de medidas punitivas como el saqueo, la esclavización de los supervivientes y la ejecución de los responsables.This paper aims to provide a study on the legal bases, procedure and consequences of the assault of cities by Rome during the Republic. Literary sources are the basis of the analysis, which is done from an overall perspective of Roman expansion during the first third of the second century B.C. Military opposition to Roman rule sets the legal basis for the intervention, which results in the application of punitive measures such us plunder, survivors' enslavement and the execution of the responsible.

Now a days we know that the Phoenician communities of the East and the West do not disappear after the Roman conquest. For example, the Phoenicians of what is today the southern coasts of Spain continued to shape their own cultural and political destiny despite the powerful impact of the Roman. In the Syria-Phoenicia region, the Phoenician identity, as a symbolic identity, survived for long in the empire. Some authors from there, in different genres, and men pursuing elite careers found Phoenician claims useful and constructive for their own interests. Roman imperialism in Hispania clearly resulted in struggles over territory, sovereignty and cultural identity, but the archaeological and literary evidences points to a reality different than that underlying much of modern narratives of opposition. Usually, those struggles have been conceptualized as Roman versus local identities, but not as a generational choices involving old and new practices. In the case of Phoenician communities of the Roman Empire, the survival of cultural elements rooted in traditions prior to the arrival of Rome certainly does not indicate an active and hostile resistance to Roman customs. On the contrary, this continuity is seen as a renovation, a way of giving free rein to integration without renouncing the particularities. This phenomenon could be linked to the need for legitimation of the local elites, immersed in the complex game of identity oppositions and aggregations that held the ideological structures of Rome and its imperium, given the considerable degree of flexibility shown concerning the integration of the conquered peoples. ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.

"This book is the first to offer a concise, accessible overview of the evolution of the Soviet Union as a multiethnic empire. It reflects on how the Soviet Union was home to many ethnic minorities, and how their fates, and that of the USSR itself, were bound to the question of how the Soviet state responded variously throughout its existence to the fundamental question of ethnic difference across its vast and diverse territory. The book then examines how the Soviet collapse in 1991 fractured the Union along markedly national lines, leading to a variety of new nation-states - including the Russian Federation - being born. Brigid O'Keeffe explains how and why the Bolsheviks inscribed ethnic difference into the bedrock of the Soviet Union and explores how minority peoples experienced the potential advantages and disadvantages of ethnic politics within the Soviet Union. Ukrainians and Georgians, Jews and Roma, Chechens and Poles, Kazakhs and Uzbeks - these and many other minority groups all distinctively shaped and were shaped by the Soviet and post-Soviet politics of ethnic difference. The Multiethnic Soviet Union and its Demise gives you the historical context necessary to understand contemporary Russia's relationships and conflicts with its 'post-Soviet' neighbors and the wider world beyond"--