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This essay argues that the U.S. public school system is structured along racial and social class lines determined by powerful political and economic forces, and that there is a racial and class tracking system in public education that reproduces the race and class structure of the society. Further, it describes how schools play a principal role in perpetuating ideological racism through a social studies curriculum that is designed to promote white supremacy by distorting American history in such a way that it portrays whites as agents of progress and builders of civilizations and Blacks as insignificant objects or deficient characters.

The claim that Afro-Brazilians are victims of a racist democracy in Brazil is investigated. Analysis of interview data from 150 Afro- & Euro-Brazilians of Vasalia reveals that most individuals linked social segregation with sexual equality, a condition noted to be similar in the US. Moreover, it is demonstrated that opposition to interracial dating & marriage, though not legally prohibited, operates as a signifier of racism in Vasalia. Although demographic analysis reveals that Afro-Brazilians are significantly underrepresented in Brazilian universities, most respondents concluded that racial inequality was not prevalent in the educational system since Afro-Brazilians were not legally excluded from postsecondary institutions. Further, an examination of popular culture TV images shows that Afro-Brazilians are often infantilized or animalized; there are few positive representations. Despite claims that Vasalia remains a racial meritocracy, it is concluded that racism is pervasive in several social, economic, & institutional practices. 11 References. J. W. Parker

Environmental degradation continues to be one of the greatest threats to human well-being, posing a disproportionate burden on communities of color. Environmental action, however, fails to reflect this urgency, leaving social-behavioral research at the frontier of environmental conservation, as well as environmental justice. Broad societal consensus for environmental action is particularly sparse among conservatives. The lack of even small personal sacrifices in favor of the environment could be attributed to the relatively low salience of environmental threats to white Americans and the partisan nature of environmentalism in America. We evaluate if (1) environmental action is causally related to the ideological value framing of an environmental issue; and (2) if the perceived race of impacted communities influences environmental action as a function of racial resentment. With this large-scale, original survey experiment examining the case of air-pollution, we find weak support for the first, but we do not find evidence for the second. We advance our understanding of environmental justice advocacy and environmental inaction in the United States. PROTOCOL REGISTRATION: The stage 1 protocol for this Registered Report was accepted in principle on 10 June 2021. The protocol, as accepted by the journal, can be found at https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.14769558 .

Examines conceptual differences between racism & Islamophobia. The historical significance of Islamophobia is emphasized through Orientalist representations of Islam that racialize the category of Muslim, along with contemporary discourse in international politics based on fears of the Islamization of Europe. Possible comparisons between Islamophobia & anti-Semitism are suggested, noting that Islamophobia is articulated in religious terms, while anti-Semitism has evolved into prejudice against "a people." Characteristics of Islamophobia are described, & examples of Islamophobic discourse are analyzed to highlight the danger of conceptual inflation that goes beyond the racism paradigm, eg, conceptualizations of Bosnian Muslims that led to the demand for "ethnic cleansing." It is contended that Islamophobia is best viewed as a fear or hatred of Muslims, rather than an ideology, making it important to distinguish it from racism even though certain facets of their definitions & expressions coincide. A look at comparative research on Islamophobia & racism focuses on the varied contexts in which Islamophobia is expressed, as well the association between Islamophobia & the politics of integration or multiculturalism. 15 References. J. Lindroth

Covert & symbolic racism are investigated using a two-part experimental design to ascertain: (1) the conditions under which blacks are penalized because they are black; (2) the extent to which covert racism is concealed; & (3) the extent to which conservative values encourage a racial double standard in judging who is & who is not entitled to government assistance. Here, the results of the Race & Politics Survey conducted by the Survey Research Center at Stanford U (Calif) in 1985, which employed computer-assisted interviewing & sampling, are reported for whites only (N not provided). Findings show that political conservatism was correlated with opposition to policies to assist blacks & with support for negative images of blacks as lazy & irresponsible. The experimental results, however, pose fundamental challenges to symbolic & modern racism theories, which contend that there is a new kind of racism in the US that takes the form of racial prejudice plus traditional, conservative values. The experimental results demonstrate, on the one hand, that conservatives are not more likely to refuse government help to blacks who have violated traditional values; on the other hand, results demonstrate that conservatives are more likely to favor government help for blacks who have acted in accord with traditional values. The experimental results, moreover, identify a key condition for the expression of discrimination -- a focus on group rather than individual claimants -- & demonstrate that discrimination is not encouraged by a particular ideological outlook, conservative or liberal, but rather is most common in the absence of any ideological stance. 9 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the main features of current racism in Italy as part of a European phenomenon. Three factors accounting for the resurgence of racism include: (1) economic crisis; (2) emerging nationalism, which in Italy takes the form of regionalism, & of a political ideology based on ethnicity; & (3) the priority given to a notion of culture that overlaps ethnicity. It is concluded that although there is no coordinated movement between the formally illegitimate countercultural racism & more legitimated forms of it, the climate is right for a turn to authoritarianism, whether ideological or administrative. R. Jaramillo

The finding of ethnic discrimination in access to social housing raises the question of HLM's 'racism'. In this article, I reject the hypothesis of purely individual racism and that of a racist ideological structure which would be binding on all members of a given culture, in order to defend that of institutional racism and to highlight the institutional logic of symbolic production of ethnic borders. Far from being a racist aberration, the salience of ethnicity in the representations and mental maps of actors takes its full meaning in relation to their world of institutional sense and practice. ; Institutional racism in social housing policy The evidence of ethnic discrimination in access to social housing raises the issue of social landlords' "racism". In this article, we reject the assumption of a purely individual racism as well as the one of a racist ideological structure that would force itself upon all members of a given culture. We defend the assumption of an institutional racism. We shed light on the institutional mechanisms of symbolic production of ethnic boundaries. Far from being a racist aberration, the saliency of ethnicity in the representations and mental cards of local actors of social housing is coherent with their institutional universe of meanings and practices. ; The finding of ethnic discrimination in access to social housing raises the question of HLM's 'racism'. In this article, I reject the hypothesis of purely individual racism and that of a racist ideological structure which would be binding on all members of a given culture, in order to defend that of institutional racism and to highlight the institutional logic of symbolic production of ethnic borders. Far from being a racist aberration, the salience of ethnicity in the representations and mental maps of actors takes its full meaning in relation to their world of institutional sense and practice. ; Le constat des discriminations ethniques dans l'accès au logement social conduit à poser la question du « racisme » des HLM. Dans cet ...

The criminalization of African Americans represents a new stage of racist oppression through ideological, political, & legal processes. In ideological terms, criminalization targets African-American males as a danger to society by establishing a social perception of black males as inherently prone to violence & crime, socially & culturally pathological, & part of a criminal subculture. "Get tough" policies, eg, the death penalty & mandatory sentencing, represent the politicization of street crime. The Comprehensive Crime Control Act & the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, & the Helms amendment & the Omnibus Anti-Drug Act of 1988 demonstrate the fundamental shift in the focus of federal legislation from pro civil rights in the 1960s to anti-rights decisions. L. Nguyen

As an organizing concept, whiteness rests on insecure theoretical ground—specifically, the notions of identity and agency. It replaces racism with race and equates race with racial identity, which it accepts uncritically both as an empirical datum and as a tool of analysis. It thereby establishes a false parallel between the objects and the authors of racism and between Afro-Americans and other Americans of non-European ancestry. Whiteness is the ideological counterpart of race relations, both of them ways of skirting around the relations of political, social, and economic power that have determined the place of Afro-Americans in American society.

Urban unrest & riots in the US provide grounds for an ideological battle over explanations of the social conditions that contribute to discord. The US response to the 1960s racial riots favored radical & liberal interpretations of social unrest; public disorder was described as an inevitable product of a malfunctioning social system, & the riots gave subordinate social groups a political voice. However, current collective beliefs, reflected after the 1992 Los Angeles (CA) riot, display a neoconservative view that construes civil disorder as a function of "riff-raff," or the unlawful section of the citizenry. Criminality & immorality in the public have gained sway as the favored account, rather than widespread social difficulties that plague the underclasses. This shift to blaming the poorest & least powerful has alarming implications for social policy & US society as a whole. 19 References. J. Goldshmidt

We develop a model where voters differ in their exogenous income and in their ideological views, with racism as an illustration. Electoral competition takes place between an endogenous number of parties which propose platforms consisting of both an ideological and an economic dimension. Our objective is to explain the emergence of minority ideological positions and to understand the role played by political parties in this emergence. We first show that, in a pure citizen‐candidate model where parties are absent, the only equilibrium consists of the majority ideological position. We then show that allowance for the formation of political parties generates equilibria with minority ideological positions.

This paper argues that Foucault's genealogy of racism deserves appreciation due to the highly original concept of racism as biopolitical government. Modern racism, according to Foucault, is not merely an irrational prejudice, a form of socio-political discrimination, or an ideological motive in a political doctrine; rather, it is a form of government that is designed to manage a population. The paper seeks to advance this argument by reconstructing Foucault's unfinished project of a genealogy of racism. Initially, the paper situates the genealogy of racism within the context of Foucault's work. It belongs to a period of transition between the mature and the late part of Foucault's work, more specifically a period of transition from discipline to governmentality. The paper proceeds by reading closely key passages from the 1976 lectures at Collège de France in which Foucault proposes to rethink racism as a form of biopolitical government. While Foucault's genealogy of racism remains an incomplete project, lacking for example any substantial treatment of European colonialism, the paper proposes to expand the Foucauldian analysis by linking it to the pan-German discourse between 1890 and 1914. Finally, the paper reflects on some of the implications of the Foucauldian analysis, in particular attempts to understand and counter contemporary forms of racism. Foucault's genealogy of racism, in short, shows us the constructedness of our racialized world and challenges us to develop new and more effective strategies to change it.