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Noncommunicable diseases such as cancer, diabetes, chronic lung diseases, and heart diseases are the leading cause of death and disability. In Kenya, the growing prevalence of these diseases is a major public health concern and a hindrance to long-term economic growth. This is because these conditions reduce human capital and divert societal resources. The high cost of managing the growing caseload of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) also afflicts Kenyan families, businesses, and the government, and increasingly leads to impoverishment. Developing an appropriate policy response to the threat of NCDs requires a clear understanding of the economic impacts as well as the benefits of potential interventions, both from a health and an economic perspective. Such information allows policy makers to evaluate the trade-offs between different investment decisions, with the goal of ensuring that any interventions maximize the rewards to individuals and to society at large. Combating Noncommunicable Diseases in Kenya is one of a few published studies on the economic burden of NCDs in Kenya. It focuses on a limited set of conditions, aligned with the burden of NCDs in Kenya, and demonstrates both the long-term costs of these diseases and the strong health and economic benefits of scaling up interventions. It contributes to a growing body of analysis on NCDs in Kenya—and in Africa—and provides muchneeded evidence to facilitate advocacy and foster dialogue to confront this serious challenge.

International audience ; State investment incentives are detrimental to the quality of the business environment and create unequal starting conditions for entrepreneurs to implement investment plans. In some cases, however, it is necessary to regulate the allocation of inward investment to regions within one country and thus decrease the disparities. Investment incentives are instruments that in general might violate market principles and thus are regulated within the EU internal market. Despite being aware of this fact most economists and politicians advocate these kinds of measures as necessary and relatively cheap in order to push the economy forward or win international big private equity investments. Investment aid is regional aid to stimulate investment in disadvantaged regions and to create new jobs in the Slovak Republic. Beneficiaries of this assistance may be natural and legal persons authorized to carry on business in the territory of the Slovak Republic and whose investment activities and projects meet the conditions of Act no. 561/2007 Z.z. on Investment Assistance and on Amendments to Certain Acts. This paper will focus on how investment incentive attracts foreign investment in the Slovak Republic and based on the data from 2002 to 2017 we will analyze their effectiveness on the created jobs. Despite the possible support from the Slovak government not all foreign investors areapplying for investment incentives, either are in contact with the government during their investment phase.

Despite the world economy is covering from the global economic crisis of 2008 Greece is still trying to overcome this economic but also ethical and institutional crisis. One of the most significant factors of this effort is the attraction of Foreign Direct Investments (F.D.I.). In this study, the term of F.D.I. is analyzed but also, it's significance. After a historical retrospection, there is an effort of analyzing the reason Greece is still not attracting F.D.I. despite the changes that have been made after the agreement with Greece's creditors, some proposals of fixing the problems that already exist and finally in which field should the Greek government focus, taking under strong consideration the economies of scale and the predictions of economic growth.

This book is a compilation of case studies from different countries and covers contemporary technologies including electric vehicles and solar thermal power plants. The book highlights the real-world situations facing individual projects and highlights the strengths and weaknesses of the underlying business propositions. It also sheds light on the factors that are routinely ignored during project formulation and risk assessment, namely coordination among public and private agencies, confirmed availability of relatively minor but essential components, possibility of concurrent demand for inputs from different project proponents, etc. The book provides a systematic 'guided tour' of renewable energy (RE) projects for potential project analysts and includes the development of financial models. It concludes with an evaluation of risk and the design of risk-mitigation measures. It is designed to simultaneously appeal to business school students and to serve as a guide for practicing executives, policy makers and consultants. The cases cover several countries, currencies, policy environments, technologies and resources and will help policy makers, consultants and project analysts and proponents view RE projects in a new light. Srinivasan Sunderasanis an Economist at Verdurous Solutions Private Limited (Mysore, India), which is an Investment advisory and consultancy specializing in management and financing aspects of renewable energy, microfinance, water, waste and other 'sustainable development' initiatives. Prior to this, he was the Deputy Country Manager (India) of Photovoltaic Market Transformation Initiative (PVMTI), an Investment Officer with the South Asian Region for Solar Development Group (SDG) and Triodos Renewable Energy for Development Fund. He has obtained his PhD from University of Vienna, Austria in 2005 specializing in Business Economics.He has twenty years of rich and diversified experience as a techno-commercial professional, in planning, project management, research, academics and consultancy in various industries including construction, telecom, energy, financial services and 'sustainable development.' He is recognised as an expert on rural energy supply models by the International Solar Energy Society and a specialist in evaluation and financing for renewable energy and other cleantech ventures. He has authored, and contributed to, many books on related subjects published by Routledge, Taylor Francis Group, Nova Publishers and Springer Verlag. He is an editorial board member of J. Reviews on Global Economics and expert peer-reviewer with prestigious publishers including Elsevier B.V. and Springer Verlag. He is guest faculty of Finance/Economics at reputed business schools.

AbstractUndernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies are key drivers of infant and child mortality and are causes of impaired human potential for hundreds of millions of children every year. Investing in nutrition in the first 1,000 days from conception not only supports individual lifetime health, education, and productivity, but is also key to breaking the intergenerational cycle of malnutrition and enhance equitable development pathways for low- and middle-income countries. This paper provides a cost–benefit analysis of three nutrition interventions: 1) provision of preventive small-quantity lipid-based nutrient supplements (SQ-LNS) to children 6−23 months of age; 2) Complementary Feeding Promotion (CFP) for children 6−23 months of age; 3) provision of multiple micronutrient (MMN) and calcium (Ca) supplements to pregnant women. The benefit–cost ratios (BCRs) for MMN supplementation for pregnant women replacing iron and folic acid (37.5), as well as MMN and Ca combined (19-24), are the highest. The BCRs for CFP for children in the two highest socio-economic status (SES) quintiles and SQ-LNS for children in the three lowest SES quintiles are fairly similar at 16 and 14, respectively. The lowest BCR is for CFP for children in the three lowest SES quintiles due to the high cost of accomplishing behavioral change for improved complementary feeding in resource-poor households.

There is compelling evidence that neural tube defects can be prevented through mandatory folic acid fortification. Why, then, is an investment case needed? At the core of the answer to this question is the notion that governments and individuals have limited resources for which there are many competing claims. An investment case compares the costs and benefits of folic acid fortification relative to alternative life‐saving investments and informs estimates of the financing required for implementation. Our best estimate is that the cost per death averted through mandatory folic acid fortification is $957 and the cost per disability‐adjusted life year is $14.90. Both compare favorably to recommended life‐saving interventions, such as the rotavirus vaccine and insecticide‐treated bed nets. Thus, there is a strong economic argument for mandatory folic acid fortification. Further improvements to these estimates will require better data on the costs of implementing fortification and on the costs of improving compliance where regulations are already in place.

Existing buildings are responsible for over 40% of the world's total primary energy consumption. An impressive amount of energy could be saved simply by applying energy-efficient technologies. Yet, various market barriers inhibit energy efficiency improvements in existing buildings and result in energy savings that are significantly lower than potentials. This publication provides illustrations of policies and measures implemented in five IEA member countries and the European Union. Each case includes relevant background and contextual information, as well as a detailed evaluation of each policy according to five pre-defined criteria: relevance, effectiveness, flexibility, clarity and sustainability.

The goal of this study is to identify the determinants of foreign direct investment in members of ASEAN countries (will be known as ASEAN-9 and ASEAN-7 from 1990 to 2017 by using Pooled Least Square as the model.The results show that market size, trade openness, infrastructure, research & development, and inflation have positive effects on inward FDI which can be considered as determinants of FDI. On the other hand, human capital and real interest rates show a negative sign.This study also discussed the FDI trend after the global finance crisis in 2008. The results indicate that the annual trend for FDI after 2008 is positive, which means there is no big impact from the global financial crisis of 2008 on FDI inflows.Based on the results, GDP, infrastructures, and trade openness become the important factors to attract foreign investors. Therefore, government can improve through policies, such as easing trade procedures, or improving the quantity and quality of the infrastructure.The difference finding is found on the negative result of human capital effect on inward FDI. Thus, the quality of human resources still needs improvement because it can improve thelow-tech into high-tech destination countries for FDI.

Thailand's automotive industry has derived over the past 50 years, perpetually supported by government investment, taxation, and the promotion of foreign direct investment. However, the economic crisis (Tom Yam Kung) caused the worst downturn in Thailand. After the crisis, Thailand set policies to strengthen the potential of the automotive industry and implemented measures to promote the manufacture and utilisation of domestic automotive parts, such as an increase in import tax on Complete Built-Up (CBU) and Complete Knock-Down (CKD) to support foreign investment in Thailand's production base, such as exemption from corporate tax income and the import duty on machinery. Furthermore, the government determined an increasing requirement ratio for local content. Consequently, Thailand has the biggest production base in Southeast Asia; the first of its kind for pickup trucks in the world, and ranked twelfth for exports of automobile and automotive parts. Meanwhile, Thailand continues to develop its major goal to become a top ten exporter of the automotive industry in the world.

Thailand's automotive industry has derived over the past 50 years, perpetually supported by government investment, taxation, and the promotion of foreign direct investment. However, the economic crisis (Tom Yam Kung) caused the worst downturn in Thailand. After the crisis, Thailand set policies to strengthen the potential of the automotive industry and implemented measures to promote the manufacture and utilisation of domestic automotive parts, such as an increase in import tax on Complete Built-Up (CBU) and Complete Knock-Down (CKD) to support foreign investment in Thailand's production base, such as exemption from corporate tax income and the import duty on machinery. Furthermore, the government determined an increasing requirement ratio for local content. Consequently, Thailand has the biggest production base in Southeast Asia; the first of its kind for pickup trucks in the world, and ranked twelfth for exports of automobile and automotive parts. Meanwhile, Thailand continues to develop its major goal to become a top ten exporter of the automotive industry in the world.Read Complete Article at ijSciences: V72018021566 AND DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18483/ijSci.1566

AbstractIn almost every country, government is the largest buyer of works, goods, and services from the private sector. Through the laws and practice of public procurement, governments create competition among firms, thus optimizing public expenditure. However, public procurement is often associated with inefficient allocation of resources and corruption. One method to reduce inefficiencies and abuse in public procurement is the use of e-government procurement (e-GP) platforms. Yet nearly 40% of countries—mostly low- and lower-middle income countries—do not have functioning e-GP platforms. Cost–benefit analysis is used to make the investment case for the development and integration of e-procurement systems in low- and lower middle-income countries. The costs of setting up an e- GP system include an initial investment of $9.03 million, on average, for the planning, design, and build phases spread over a 5-year period. Annual operating and maintenance expenses during pilot and deployment phases are estimated at $1.1 million annually. In total, it is estimated that the net present value of costs to design, build, test, deploy, and operate a robust e-GP system is $16.7 million for a typical low- and middle-income country (at an 8% discount rate). While there are many tangible benefits of e-GP, the benefit assessed here is the reduction in the prices of goods, works, and services paid by government buyers. Using the average percentage reduction in procurement prices of 6.75%, the savings from an e-procurement system are valued at $637.9 million and $5.2 billion for low- and lower middle-income countries, respectively. The benefit–cost ratio of implementing an e-GP system in the average low-income country ranges from 8 to 58 and is 142 to 473 for a lower middle-income country. The size of the procurement market, the reduction in procurement prices, the duration of the implementation process, and the penetration rate of e-GP throughout government are principal determinants in the return on investment.

Background: The Asia-Pacific region has made significant progress against malaria, reducing cases and deaths by over 50% between 2010 and 2015. These gains have been facilitated in part, by strong political and financial commitment of governments and donors. However, funding gaps and persistent health system challenges threaten further progress. Achieving the regional goal of malaria elimination by 2030 will require an intensification of efforts and a plan for sustainable financing. This article presents an investment case for malaria elimination to facilitate these efforts. Methods: A transmission model was developed to project rates of decline of Plasmodium falciparum and Plasmodium vivax malaria and the output was used to determine the cost of the interventions that would be needed for elimination by 2030. In total, 80 scenarios were modelled under various assumptions of resistance and intervention coverage. The mortality and morbidity averted were estimated and health benefits were monetized by calculating the averted cost to the health system, individual households, and society. The full-income approach was used to estimate the economic impact of lost productivity due to premature death and illness, and a return on investment was computed. Results: The study estimated that malaria elimination in the region by 2030 could be achieved at a cost of USD 29.02 billion (range: USD 23.65-36.23 billion) between 2017 and 2030. Elimination would save over 400,000 lives and avert 123 million malaria cases, translating to almost USD 90 billion in economic benefits. Discontinuing vector control interventions and reducing treatment coverage rates to 50% will result in an additional 845 million cases, 3.5 million deaths, and excess costs of USD 7 billion. Malaria elimination provides a 6:1 return on investment. Conclusion: This investment case provides compelling evidence for the benefits of continued prioritization of funding for malaria and can be used to develop an advocacy strategy.

After a dramatic decline in the annual malaria incidence in Thailand since 2000, the Thai government developed a National Malaria Elimination Strategy (NMES) to end local malaria transmission by 2024. This study examines the expected costs and benefits of funding the NMES (elimination scenario) versus not funding malaria elimination programming (resurgence scenario) from 2017 to 2036. Two case projection approaches were used to measure the number of malaria cases over the study period, combined with a set of Thailand-specific economic assumptions, to evaluate the cost of a malaria case and to quantify the cost–benefit ratio of elimination. Model A projects cases based on national historical case data using a log-normal regression and change-point analysis model. Model B projects cases based on periodic Yala Province-level outbreak cycles and incorporating NMES political and programmatic goals. In the base case, both models predict that elimination would prevent 1.86–3.11 million malaria cases from 2017 to 2036, with full NMES implementation proving to be cost-saving in all models, perspectives, and scenarios, except for the health system–only perspective in the Model A base case and all perspectives in the Model A worst case. From the societal perspective, every 1 US dollars (US$) spent on the NMES would—depending on case projections used—potentially result in a considerable return on investment, ranging from US$ 2 to US$ 15. Although the two case projection approaches resulted in different cost–benefit ratios, both models showed cost savings and suggest that ending local malaria transmission in Thailand would yield a positive return on investment.