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Singapore has developed a unique housing system, with three-quarters of its housing stock built by the Housing & Development Board (HDB) and homeownership financed through Central Provident Fund (CPF) savings. As a result, the country's homeownership rate of 90% is one of the highest among market economies. At different stages of its economic development, the Government of Singapore was faced with a different set of housing problems. An integrated land-housing supply and financing framework was established in the 1960s to solve the severe housing shortage. By the 1990s, the challenge was that of renewing aging estates and creating a market for HDB transactions. Housing subsidies in the form of housing grants were also introduced. Recent challenges include curbing speculative and investment demand, as well as coping with increasing income inequalities and an aging population. These have brought about carefully crafted macroprudential policies, targeted housing grants, and schemes to help elderly households monetize their housing equity. This paper analyzes key pillars of the housing policy, specifically land acquisition, the HDB-CPF system, the role of markets, housing market interventions, the Ethnic Integration Policy, and the Lease Buyback Scheme. It concludes with lessons learned for other countries.

Singapore has developed a unique housing system, with three-quarters of its housing stock built by the Housing & Development Board (HDB) and homeownership financed through Central Provident Fund (CPF) savings. As a result, the country's homeownership rate of 90% is one of the highest among market economies. At different stages of its economic development, the Government of Singapore was faced with a different set of housing problems. An integrated land–housing supply and financing framework was established in the 1960s to solve the severe housing shortage. By the 1990s, the challenge was that of renewing aging estates and creating a market for HDB transactions. Housing subsidies in the form of housing grants were also introduced. Recent challenges include curbing speculative and investment demand, as well as coping with increasing income inequalities and an aging population. These have brought about carefully crafted macroprudential policies, targeted housing grants, and schemes to help elderly households monetize their housing equity. This paper analyzes key pillars of the housing policy, specifically land acquisition, the HDB-CPF system, the role of markets, housing market interventions, the Ethnic Integration Policy, and the Lease Buyback Scheme. It concludes with lessons learned for other countries.

Singapore has developed a unique housing system, with three-quarters of its housing stock built by the Housing & Development Board (HDB) and homeownership financed through Central Provident Fund (CPF) savings. As a result, the country's homeownership rate of 90% is one of the highest among market economies. At different stages of its economic development, the Government of Singapore was faced with a different set of housing problems. An integrated land–housing supply and financing framework was established in the 1960s to solve the severe housing shortage. By the 1990s, the challenge was that of renewing aging estates and creating a market for HDB transactions. Housing subsidies in the form of housing grants were also introduced. Recent challenges include curbing speculative and investment demand, as well as coping with increasing income inequalities and an aging population. These have brought about carefully crafted macroprudential policies, targeted housing grants, and schemes to help elderly households monetize their housing equity. This paper analyzes key pillars of the housing policy, specifically land acquisition, the HDB-CPF system, the role of markets, housing market interventions, the Ethnic Integration Policy, and the Lease Buyback Scheme. It concludes with lessons learned for other countries.

Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam presented her housing policies at the 2019 annual address in broad strokes, including using ordinances to resume undeveloped land in accordance with the law. The Hong Kong government could use its regulatory power as disincentives for private development of land given the highly bureaucratic, time-consuming and expensive land development approval process. The Hong Kong government would also work jointly with private sector landlords to potentially develop public housing and profit-driven projects, which would then be negotiated based on the Hong Kong government's terms and conditions.

At first sight, in looking at the absolute number of houses built by MINVAH since 1979, or measuring the problems of increased squatter settlements in Managua over the last four years, Nicaraguan housing policies do not suggest a great achievement. However, we must bear in mind that the Nicaraguans chose to put the main emphasis on non-physical improvements in housing provision and on social services in general, in order to benefit the largest number of people with the limited resources which were available. Within the wider field of social expenditure, housing was assigned the third priority after health and education. Since 1981 the housing deficit has grown by 17,000 units annually (Ruchwarger, 1987:170). The declining output in government shelter projects and the overall worsening of housing stress in Nicaragua must be attributed in the first place to the escalating war in the country, which has been imposed on the country by the Reagan administration. This has drastically curbed the disposable budget for any housing construction. At the same time, the influx of refugees fleeing the ever present threat of contra devastations and genocide has frustrated the decentralization policy and produced a chaotic situation in the cities where too many people have sought new homes. It may be true that not all problems encountered in the Nicaraguan housing system can be explained by the war. Due to the poor teaching facilities prevalent in the prerevolutionary period and the brain drain in response to the poor income opportunities, the level of professional and academic skills has been restricted - a condition affecting public authorities in particular when they seek to fill vacancies (because of the low wage levels they offer). There are additional concerns of coordination and competition between different ministries and other state institutions, which need years to sort. Certainly, these restrictions are endemic in most parts of the developing world, but they tend to be even more severe in periods following a political ...

Issues of housing in India are synonymous with ignorance of housing in active government involvement at the policy and program formulation levels. They are also due to the problems that unplanned urbanization, income disparity, poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment brought. These issues extenuated the housing problem, causing a housing shortage of 51 million in 2011. Though India has a long history of establishing policies, programs, and institutions to cater to housing, without allocating adequate resources, their impact in ameliorating the shortage has been marginal. This paper argues that to address the housing shortage in India, there is desperate need to prepare a framework for housing by (i) including housing as a constitutional right; (ii) resolving issues of unclear land titles and ensuing claims; (iii) building adequate financial resources for affordable housing programs; (iv) building responsive instruments to facilitate the affordability of housing by all income segments; and (v) overcoming market segmentation, which is currently catering to the housing needs of creditworthy clients and is overlooking the growing demand from middle- and lower-income segments. India needs to leverage its extensive architecture of agencies, policies, and market frameworks for housing by equipping them with adequate resources so they can deliver housing for all.