Suchergebnisse

There are more than 50 million Hispanics in the United States, composing 16 percent of the population. Hispanics are also one of the fastest-growing race and ethnic groups. The American public often views and treats Hispanics as a racial group; yet 47 years after a Hispanic origin measure was added to the 1970 U.S. decennial census, and after numerous tests aimed at ameliorating racial measurement issues related to Hispanics, we continue to struggle with defining and measuring this population. In this article, we review literature about conceptual and measurement issues regarding Hispanic race reporting, evaluate public tabulations from one of the largest Census Bureau studies conducted in the 2010 Census to test strategies to improve race reporting for Hispanics, and discuss the opportunities and challenges of changing the race question on the decennial census to incorporate Hispanics.

Presents detailed spending data by race and Hispanic origin on hundreds of products and services in major categories ranging from apparel to transportation.

The influence of language-use patterns on the occupational achievements of Hispanic working-age Ms is examined, using data from the 1976 Survey of Income & Education (N = 3,104, restricted sample), to determine how Spanish-English bilingualism & English proficiency influence SES. Retention of Spanish generally does not hinder the SE achievements of Hispanic origin Ms, provided that they acquire a minimum education (high school) & English proficiency. Foreign-born Mexicans & island-born Puerto Ricans are an exception to this pattern; they are penalized in terms of status if they speak no English. Implications for bilingual education programs are discussed. 3 Tables, 27 References. Modified HA.

Reports on the results of a split-ballot experiment conducted in 1987 to test alternative versions of the decennial census long form. Results are interpreted as reflecting a process of acculturation that affects how Hispanic respondents apply U.S. racial categories 'white' and 'black' in the census. (Abstract amended)

A report on the results of a split-ballot experiment conducted in 1987 to test two alternative versions of the decennial census long form, which were randomly assigned & self-administered in group sessions (N = 515 respondents). The order of race & Hispanic origin items was experimentally manipulated: the standard long form asks race, then Hispanic origin; the experimental form reversed the order of the items to reduce perceived redundancy, & to create a more restricted frame of reference for the race item. The objectives of the context manipulation were (1) to reduce item nonresponse for the Hispanic origin item, & (2) to reduce reporting of "Other race" by Hispanics in the race item. Objective (1) was met; objective (2) was met for Hispanics born in a US state, but not for immigrants. The results are interpreted as reflecting a process of acculturation that affects how Hispanic respondents apply US racial categories "white" & "black" in the census. 5 Tables, 21 References. AA

Outsiders' views of a person's race or Hispanic origin can affect how she sees herself, how she reports her race/ethnicity, and her social and economic experiences. Social processes of constructing race are complicated for people whose identity is not reflected back to them in interactions, and mismatched identification gives insight into social assumptions. Using unique linked data from the 2000 and 2010 censuses, we find that in 90% of our 3.7 million cases, proxy reports (e.g., neighbors) of a person's race/ethnicity match responses given by the household. Match rates are high for non-Hispanic Whites, Blacks, and Asians and for Hispanic ethnicity. Matches are much less common for other groups (American Indian/Alaska Native, Pacific Islander, Some Other Race, multiracial, and the race(s) of Hispanics). Proxies often report biracial Black-Whites as Black, but tend to report biracial American Indian-Whites, Asian-Whites, and Pacific Islander-Whites as non-Hispanic White rather than as people of color. Proxies frequently report children as multiple race and elders as single race, whether they are or not, potentially lowering the average age of the multiracial population. Proxies tend to report the person's race and Hispanic origin as consistent with others in the tract, potentially increasing measured residential segregation.

Using in-depth interviews, this study examined the social upbringing, subjective experiences and coping mechanisms of Mexican origin ex-convicts before and after their incarceration. Overall, our participants experienced multiple structural disadvantages prior to and following incarceration. Many grew up in environments with little social control—lacking good parenting or role models—and embedded in communities of concentrated poverty and criminality. Many also disclosed their struggles to survive, lack of positive influences and legitimate/constructive coping mechanisms. Contrary to public stereotypes that Mexican origin ex-convicts are hardcore criminals, many were convicted of non-violent drug-related charges and the majority aspired to a crime-free future. To reduce recidivism and minimize future re-offending, we suggest that clinical practitioners, social service providers and policy planners address the aforementioned needs and challenges that contributed to ex-convicts getting in trouble with the law to begin with.