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Full-text available at SSRN. See link in this record. ; Increased domestic energy production is of enhanced importance to the United States of America. Given the growing focus on energy development, and specifically domestic energy development, many, including tribal governments, have increasingly looked to Indian country for potential energy development opportunities. Such attention on potential energy development opportunities in Indian country is warranted, as abundant alternative and renewable energy sources exist within Indian country. Many tribes are increasingly exploring possible opportunities related to alternative and renewable energy development. Despite this interest in alternative and renewable energy development in Indian country, large alternative and renewable energy projects are virtually absent from Indian country. Accordingly, this article explores why despite the great potential for alternative and renewable energy development in Indian country and the fact that many tribes may be interested in such development for a variety of reasons, very little actual development seems to be occurring. This article is the first to consider the impact of the Helping Expedite and Advance Responsible Tribal Homeownership Act (HEARTH Act) on renewable energy development in Indian country. Congress enacted the HEARTH Act in July 2012 to address one of the obstacles to alternative and renewable energy development in Indian country – federal approval for leases of tribal lands. In brief, the HEARTH Act allows tribes with tribal leasing provisions pre-approved by the Secretary of Interior to lease tribal land without Secretarial approval required for each individual lease. To fully understand the potential implications of the HEARTH Act, this article examines the overwhelming national interest in domestic alternative and renewable energy development and the specific benefits of such development to Indian country. The article then explores obstacles to effective energy development in Indian country. The article ...

"Serial no. 111-39." ; Shipping list no.: 2010-0071-P. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Homelessness : targeted federal programs and recent legislation -- The HUD homeless assistance grants : programs authorized by the HEARTH Act -- The Emergency Food and Shelter National Board Program and homeless assistance -- Education for homeless children and youth : program overview and legislation -- Veterans and homelessness.

Collaboration is commonplace in contemporary public administration. In many instances, policy mandates collaboration between previously unconnected organizations for those organizations to obtain essential funding for public services, thus creating new administrative structures grounded in collaboration. There exists substantial research that focuses on the collaborative process and potential outcomes of these structures, yet their emergence and development is less understood. The Housing and Urban Development (HUD) continuum of care (CoC) model is one such collaborative structure that has been the dominant administrative service delivery system used to address homelessness in the United States since the early 1990s. A historical analysis reveals that policy feedback effects help explain the emergence and persistence of the CoC model from before its origin to its eventual codification in the Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing (HEARTH) Act of 2009. A policy feedback perspective of the CoC model demonstrates how the interplay of policy, politics, and administration led to a mandate to collaborate to address a large-scale social problem.

1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Place and date of publication from Wing. ; Illustrates one of the abuses of the hearth tax. Collectors of this tax demanded two shillings tax for every forge, though all such were exempted by the act if the rent paid was less th

[3] leaves. ; Title from first 11 lines of text. ; Statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. ; Imprint from colophon. ; "Given at the Council chamber in Dublin the 15th day of January 1682" [i.e. 1683]--leaf [3] ; Broadside in [3] leaves. ; Imperfect: faded, with loss of print. ; Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries Library, London.

"Radical Homemakers is about men and women across the U.S. who focus on home and hearth as a political and ecological act; who center their lives around family and community for personal fulfillment and cultural change"--

For Gregory Orr, the best way to respond to the chaotic unpredictability of our being is through the personal lyric because it "dramatizes inner and outer experience" by "clinging to embodied being". The self in the personal lyric of the Brontës (Charlotte and Emily) is either 'home' or 'away', facing internal or external division or fracture, and in search of a prospective identity (personal and national) or a chosen location. The conflicts of nation (whether they are presented in a real or fictionalised manner) are simultaneously reflected in the conflicts of the body itself; and the word 'home' – a metaphor for both 'place' and 'being' – assumes a nuance of different but related meanings (from the familiar hearth and the exalted homeland to the poet's mind, Nature or God's bosom). There is an evasive attempt to overcome social and political coercions that create both confinement and displacement, but whether the Brontës choose to stay at home or are compelled to leave, they remain as 'exiles'. Ultimately, for these poets, it will be exilic displacement which will act as a 'spur to creativity' and define ...

Searching for the identity refers to the collection of event and orientation various goals at explaining, establishing, and defending a state of political, economical, cultural, and social rights for women. Feminism has had a massive influence on American writers. Women's expression of their freedom and position with men has been echoing for centuries in America. Edward Albee, the twentieth-century American playwright dramatizes the twentieth century American womanhood on his writings in various stages. In his play, Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? Albee portrays female characters as homemakers and their counterparts as fighters, similarly the Victorian ideology of women: "Man for the field and woman for the hearth:/Man for the sword and for the needle she" Martha is shut up within the web of the American Dream ignoring her duties and responsibilities of woman assigned by Nature. Throughout the play, she readily hold inequality between sexes and conforms herself to male expectations, first, to her father to fulfill the American Dream and then to her husband to keep body and soul together. The present article is a discussion of Anti-feminist acts in Edward Albee's Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?. It is divided into three sections. The first section deliberates upon definitions, concepts and dimensions of anti-feminism. The second section reflects anti-feminist acts in Albee's Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, and the third section deals with the conclusion.

The 1867 Reform Act created a polity in which, for 50 years, age and householding status were frequently more important than class in determining British men's right to vote. In the debates leading up to the act, both age and householder status were deployed to manage fears of greater democratisation. This essay traces some of the associative connections parliamentarians made between the sexual and family status of potential voters; their relationship to their fathers or sons; the kinds of houses in which they dwelt; and their personal decisions to delay or undertake marriage. The claim that the new male voter was distinguished for his 'independence' has been much discussed. However, it is suggested here that it was equally the figure of the settled citizen which emerged as significant during parliamentary debate. This was a category which could be interlaced with a stream of connected ideas concerning attachment to the 'hearth', the community, and to Anglo‐Saxon heritage itself. During the age of reform, calls to raise the age of suffrage frequently surfaced. This contributed to a climate of opinion which legitimised arguments denigrating the political abilities of the young and which helped to make possible age‐related political structures. Analysed alongside debates over the merits of an education clause in 1866 and the amendment to enfranchise lodgers the following year, the essay considers how class‐specific distinctions of age and life cycle helped to uphold an enduring model of hegemonic masculinity, centring on the mature, householding male.

The 1867 Reform Act created a polity in which, for 50 years, age and householding status were frequently more important than class in determining British men's right to vote. In the debates leading up to the act, both age and householder status were deployed to manage fears of greater democratisation. This essay traces some of the associative connections parliamentarians made between the sexual and family status of potential voters; their relationship to their fathers or sons; the kinds of houses in which they dwelt; and their personal decisions to delay or undertake marriage. The claim that the new male voter was distinguished for his 'independence' has been much discussed. However, it is suggested here that it was equally the figure of the settled citizen which emerged as significant during parliamentary debate. This was a category which could be interlaced with a stream of connected ideas concerning attachment to the 'hearth', the community, and to Anglo‐Saxon heritage itself. During the age of reform, calls to raise the age of suffrage frequently surfaced. This contributed to a climate of opinion which legitimised arguments denigrating the political abilities of the young and which helped to make possible age‐related political structures. Analysed alongside debates over the merits of an education clause in 1866 and the amendment to enfranchise lodgers the following year, the essay considers how class‐specific distinctions of age and life cycle helped to uphold an enduring model of hegemonic masculinity, centring on the mature, householding male.