Suchergebnisse

This thesis focuses on understanding why participative devices set up in working class neighborhoods still exist today, despite their proven ineffectiveness. It questions processes of manufacturing and implementation of the participative imperative through the study of two paradigmatic cases: the metropolises of Grenoble (France) and Recife (Brazil). This work contributes to the conceptualization of systematic transformations of contemporary governments. The cross-history of the politique de la ville in Grenoble and the plan for regularization of special zones of social interest (PREZEIS) recifense, as well as the comparative ethnographies of urban redevelopment projects' governances in these territories, shed light on the evolutions which are subject to the democratic systems of the contrasting urban, social, political and cultural situations. In Recife, participatory democracy gradually fades out because of a depoliticized and less structured managerial model of participation. In the Grenoble agglomeration, despite a discourse on the modernization of public action and the formalization of participatory procedures, local democracy remains rooted in proximity. By characterizing the methods of mobilization and selection of participants, the conditions of their representation and deliberation, and their inclusion in the urban governance, the demonstration highlights the coexistence of political, technical, and social logics, which are sometimes antagonistic, competing within the public authorities. The immersion survey, as a coordinator of citizen associations' initiatives in urban requalification projects, contributes to the understanding of formal and informal mechanisms, public or not, guiding the implementation of participatory devices in our contemporary societies. ; Cette thèse s'attache à comprendre pourquoi des dispositifs participatifs mis en place dans les quartiers populaires existent encore aujourd'hui, en dépit de leur inefficacité attestée. Elle interroge les processus de fabrication et de mise en ...

This thesis focuses on understanding why participative devices set up in working class neighborhoods still exist today, despite their proven ineffectiveness. It questions processes of manufacturing and implementation of the participative imperative through the study of two paradigmatic cases: the metropolises of Grenoble (France) and Recife (Brazil). This work contributes to the conceptualization of systematic transformations of contemporary governments. The cross-history of the politique de la ville in Grenoble and the plan for regularization of special zones of social interest (PREZEIS) recifense, as well as the comparative ethnographies of urban redevelopment projects' governances in these territories, shed light on the evolutions which are subject to the democratic systems of the contrasting urban, social, political and cultural situations. In Recife, participatory democracy gradually fades out because of a depoliticized and less structured managerial model of participation. In the Grenoble agglomeration, despite a discourse on the modernization of public action and the formalization of participatory procedures, local democracy remains rooted in proximity. By characterizing the methods of mobilization and selection of participants, the conditions of their representation and deliberation, and their inclusion in the urban governance, the demonstration highlights the coexistence of political, technical, and social logics, which are sometimes antagonistic, competing within the public authorities. The immersion survey, as a coordinator of citizen associations' initiatives in urban requalification projects, contributes to the understanding of formal and informal mechanisms, public or not, guiding the implementation of participatory devices in our contemporary societies. ; Cette thèse s'attache à comprendre pourquoi des dispositifs participatifs mis en place dans les quartiers populaires existent encore aujourd'hui, en dépit de leur inefficacité attestée. Elle interroge les processus de fabrication et de mise en ...

This thesis focuses on understanding why participative devices set up in working class neighborhoods still exist today, despite their proven ineffectiveness. It questions processes of manufacturing and implementation of the participative imperative through the study of two paradigmatic cases: the metropolises of Grenoble (France) and Recife (Brazil). This work contributes to the conceptualization of systematic transformations of contemporary governments. The cross-history of the politique de la ville in Grenoble and the plan for regularization of special zones of social interest (PREZEIS) recifense, as well as the comparative ethnographies of urban redevelopment projects' governances in these territories, shed light on the evolutions which are subject to the democratic systems of the contrasting urban, social, political and cultural situations. In Recife, participatory democracy gradually fades out because of a depoliticized and less structured managerial model of participation. In the Grenoble agglomeration, despite a discourse on the modernization of public action and the formalization of participatory procedures, local democracy remains rooted in proximity. By characterizing the methods of mobilization and selection of participants, the conditions of their representation and deliberation, and their inclusion in the urban governance, the demonstration highlights the coexistence of political, technical, and social logics, which are sometimes antagonistic, competing within the public authorities. The immersion survey, as a coordinator of citizen associations' initiatives in urban requalification projects, contributes to the understanding of formal and informal mechanisms, public or not, guiding the implementation of participatory devices in our contemporary societies. ; Cette thèse s'attache à comprendre pourquoi des dispositifs participatifs mis en place dans les quartiers populaires existent encore aujourd'hui, en dépit de leur inefficacité attestée. Elle interroge les processus de fabrication et de mise en ...

This thesis focuses on understanding why participative devices set up in working class neighborhoods still exist today, despite their proven ineffectiveness. It questions processes of manufacturing and implementation of the participative imperative through the study of two paradigmatic cases: the metropolises of Grenoble (France) and Recife (Brazil). This work contributes to the conceptualization of systematic transformations of contemporary governments. The cross-history of the politique de la ville in Grenoble and the plan for regularization of special zones of social interest (PREZEIS) recifense, as well as the comparative ethnographies of urban redevelopment projects' governances in these territories, shed light on the evolutions which are subject to the democratic systems of the contrasting urban, social, political and cultural situations. In Recife, participatory democracy gradually fades out because of a depoliticized and less structured managerial model of participation. In the Grenoble agglomeration, despite a discourse on the modernization of public action and the formalization of participatory procedures, local democracy remains rooted in proximity. By characterizing the methods of mobilization and selection of participants, the conditions of their representation and deliberation, and their inclusion in the urban governance, the demonstration highlights the coexistence of political, technical, and social logics, which are sometimes antagonistic, competing within the public authorities. The immersion survey, as a coordinator of citizen associations' initiatives in urban requalification projects, contributes to the understanding of formal and informal mechanisms, public or not, guiding the implementation of participatory devices in our contemporary societies. ; Cette thèse s'attache à comprendre pourquoi des dispositifs participatifs mis en place dans les quartiers populaires existent encore aujourd'hui, en dépit de leur inefficacité attestée. Elle interroge les processus de fabrication et de mise en ...

This paper proposes to explore the emergence of demonstration practices in the field of energy efficiency buildings, following in this the approach diffused by the european policies of technological innovation. To do so, it looks at the European CONCERTO program and the French project of Caserne De Bonne, the first french eco-district. After a conceptual insight into the works about the demonstration practices (i), this paper gives some context on the Lisbon Strategy and outlines the ambitions of the European CONCERTO (ii), then it pays attention to the project of the eco-district of De Bonne (Grenoble, France) through a multi-scalar analysis (local, national, european) (iii), before opening a discussion on the issue of time into demonstration practices and their contradictory effects in terms of learning and collective dissemination (iv). ; Ce papier propose d'explorer l'articulation au secteur du bâtiment de l'approche par la démonstration issue de politiques européennes d'innovation technologique, en prenant pour cela le cas du programme européen CONCERTO et de l'expérience française de la ZAC de Bonne à Grenoble. Après avoir resitué les enjeux conceptuels qui sous-tendent l'analyse des pratiques de démonstration (i), cet article donne des éléments de contexte relatifs à la Stratégie de Lisbonne et détaille les ambitions du programme européen CONCERTO (ii), puis il analyse le projet de la ZAC De Bonne en prêtant attention aux dynamiques scalaires européennes, locales et nationales (iii), avant d'ouvrir une discussion sur le rapport au temps des politiques de démonstration et leurs effets contradictoires en termes de diffusion des apprentissages (iv).

This thesis seeks to rethink the stigmatization of marginalized social housing neighborhoods (MSHN) in France through a post and decolonial analytical framework. Its novelty lies in the application of postcolonial theories; first to the French present instead of the colonial past, and second to geographical areas of a former colonial power, instead of to its former colonies. This decolonial approach helps to analyze the ways in which racial injustice continues to be reproduced. In the context of terrorist attacks carried out in the name of Islam, I focus in particular on islamophobia. This thesis is situated in the critical project of making alternative realities visible that have so far remained under the radar of social science research and of making space for subalternized voices in academic research and in academic writing. Its focus is in particular on neighborhood youth and Muslim women. This approach not only consists of another way of viewing but also of another way of doing research. The decolonial explorations I embarked on are an epistemological inquiry into more horizontal ways of being in research relationships; they are a methodological inquiry into developing research methods that create the conditions for researchers to speak with marginalized persons on a basis of equality and motivated by mutual interests. These collaborations took the form of creating spaces for debate with citizen collectives that formed in Villeneuve (Grenoble and Echirolles), in the aftermath of paroxysmal violence. Within the neighborhood, violence has the triple effect of stigmatizing discourse, of silencing already marginalized voices and creating the urgency to act and to produce counter-discourse.Racialized inhabitants of Villeneuve feel that they are not treated as equals, that they are not considered worth defending and that they are denied the right to claim rights. They have the French nationality but are not considered citizens. Their second-class citizenship status evokes the fragmented citizenship that was ...

This thesis seeks to rethink the stigmatization of marginalized social housing neighborhoods (MSHN) in France through a post and decolonial analytical framework. Its novelty lies in the application of postcolonial theories; first to the French present instead of the colonial past, and second to geographical areas of a former colonial power, instead of to its former colonies. This decolonial approach helps to analyze the ways in which racial injustice continues to be reproduced. In the context of terrorist attacks carried out in the name of Islam, I focus in particular on islamophobia. This thesis is situated in the critical project of making alternative realities visible that have so far remained under the radar of social science research and of making space for subalternized voices in academic research and in academic writing. Its focus is in particular on neighborhood youth and Muslim women. This approach not only consists of another way of viewing but also of another way of doing research. The decolonial explorations I embarked on are an epistemological inquiry into more horizontal ways of being in research relationships; they are a methodological inquiry into developing research methods that create the conditions for researchers to speak with marginalized persons on a basis of equality and motivated by mutual interests. These collaborations took the form of creating spaces for debate with citizen collectives that formed in Villeneuve (Grenoble and Echirolles), in the aftermath of paroxysmal violence. Within the neighborhood, violence has the triple effect of stigmatizing discourse, of silencing already marginalized voices and creating the urgency to act and to produce counter-discourse.Racialized inhabitants of Villeneuve feel that they are not treated as equals, that they are not considered worth defending and that they are denied the right to claim rights. They have the French nationality but are not considered citizens. Their second-class citizenship status evokes the fragmented citizenship that was typical for the colonial period. When inhabitants seek to challenge their marginalized position in society through political means, they are confronted with political demobilization strategies of the State, institutional, and other elite players. The latter negate their experiences, present them as culturally inferior, criminalize their actions and impede group formation and political organization. It is in this context that violence may become an option. ; Cette thèse cherche à repenser la stigmatisation des quartiers d'habitat social marginalisés en France à travers un cadre d'analyse à la fois postcolonial et décolonial. Son originalité réside dans l'application des théories postcoloniales en France: au présent et non pas au passé, aux espaces de la métropole et non aux anciennes colonies. Cette approche décoloniale permet d'analyser les formes de reproduction de l'injustice raciale. Dans le contexte des attaques terroristes au nom de l'Islam, je me concentre sur l'islamophobie en particulier. Cette thèse se situe dans le projet critique qui vise premièrement à rendre visibles des réalités alternatives, restées jusqu'à présent sous le radar de la recherche en sciences sociales; deuxièmement il vise à faire de la place dans la recherche et l'écriture scientifique pour les voix des personnes rendues inaudibles dans la société plus généralement: en particulier celles des "jeunes du quartier" et des femmes musulmanes. Cette approche décoloniale consiste à adopter une autre façon de voir, mais également une autre façon de faire de la recherche. Les explorations décoloniales entreprises sont le résultat d'une quête à la fois épistémologique et méthodologique pour élaborer de modes plus horizontaux pour « être en relation » dans la recherche. L'objectif étant de développer des méthodes qui créent les conditions pour que les chercheurs parlent avec des personnes marginalisées sur une base d'égalité et motivés par des intérêts mutuels. Ces collaborations ont pris la forme de la création d'espaces de parole avec des collectifs citoyens qui se sont organisés à Villeneuve (Grenoble et Echirolles) au lendemain de violences paroxystiques. Dans le quartier, la violence a un triple effet de provoquer des discours stigmatisants, de réduire les voix déjà marginalisées au silence et de susciter l'urgence d'agir et de produire un contre-discours.Les habitants racisés de Villeneuve estiment qu'ils ne sont pas traités comme égaux, qu'ils ne sont pas considérés comme Français, qu'ils ne sont pas défendus et, enfin, qu'on leur refuse le droit de revendiquer des droits. Leur condition d'avoir la nationalité française sans être reconnus comme Français, i.e. leur statut de citoyen de deuxième rang, évoque la citoyenneté fragmentée qui était typique de la période coloniale. Lorsque les habitants cherchent à contester leur position marginalisée dans la société par des moyens politiques, ils sont confrontés aux stratégies de démobilisation de l'État, des institutions et d'autres acteurs établis. Ces derniers nient leurs expériences, les présentent comme culturellement inférieurs, criminalisent leurs actions et entravent la formation de groupes et l'organisation politique. C'est dans ce contexte que la violence peut devenir une option.