Suchergebnisse

This is a report on the Calendars of the house of representatives.

This report outlines the floor procedure in the House of Representatives. The House considers bills and resolutions on the floor under several different sets of procedures governing the time for debate and the opportunities for amendment. Some procedures allow 40 or 60 minutes for debate; others permit debate to continue until a majority of Members vote to end it. Some procedures prohibit most or all floor amendments; others allow Members to offer any amendments that meet the requirements of the House's rules and precedents. Notwithstanding these differences, the rules, precedents, and practices of the House generally are designed to permit the majority to work its will in a timely manner.

Using survey data collected from 184 local elected officials, this paper investigates how frequently local political officials use e-mail, and how important they consider e-mail, compared with telephone calls, postal mail, faxes, and meetings. Among all forms of communication, only phone calls are initiated with a similar rate of frequency as e-mail messages. E-mail is rated as important as telephone calls and meetings, and more important than letters and faxes. E-mail is used more heavily by representatives from professional county boards and city councils, but regarded as more important, relative to other communication methods, by members of non-professional city councils. Despite e-mail's limitations, it is a powerful and useful tool for "virtual representatives."

Using survey data collected from 184 local elected officials, this paper investigates how frequently local political officials use e-mail, and how important they consider e-mail, compared with telephone calls, postal mail, faxes, and meetings. Among all forms of communication, only phone calls are initiated with a similar rate of frequency as e-mail messages. E-mail is rated as important as telephone calls and meetings, and more important than letters and faxes. E-mail is used more heavily by representatives from professional county boards and city councils, but regarded as more important, relative to other communication methods, by members of non-professional city councils. Despite e-mail's limitations, it is a powerful and useful tool for 'virtual representatives.". Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

This report outlines the history and evolution of the use of the Electronic Voting System in the House of Representatives. The report discusses its benefits, adaptability and improvements made to the voting system over the years.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Make Your Voice Heard! -- Levels of Government -- Exploring an Issue -- Getting in Touch -- Be Prepared -- Research and Resources -- Make It Personal -- Meeting Face-to-Face -- The Follow-Up -- Staying Involved -- Glossary -- Index -- Websites -- Back Cover

We studied the concept of political representation by observing elected representatives (Canadian Members of Parliament) while they spent time within their electoral constituencies. Employing a moderate participant observation methodology, we focused upon the manner in which MPs build various representational connections with their constituents, and sought to explain differences in the types of representative styles MPs develop. Key elements of this research included establishing a clear research question, selecting an effective process for recruiting participants that were roughly representative of the population, executing the data collection, and effectively disseminating the results of this research. Through observing 11 different MPs from across the country, we learned a great deal about the importance of maximizing time for data collection while keeping ourselves open to new insights into what we were observing. We detected possible problems with reactivity related to our presence and interactions, but also saw the importance of passive participation for fitting in and best understanding the behavior of research subjects. Participation also allowed for substantial discussion with our participants when opportunity allowed. We took extensive notes covering all observed behavior and subsequently collectively analyzed these for meaning to both derive categories of representative connections and further determine which behaviors filled those categories. This allowed for the refinement of theory as a means of explaining differences that were observed across MPs. Once we were able to use the observational data to the fullest extent possible, we then used qualitative interviews with participants to fill in gaps and gain specific explanations and insights.

In recent past, various Indian States have enacted legislations prescribing minimum educational qualification norms for contesting elections to Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs)—rural self-government bodies—claiming that this would enhance the effectiveness of these local elected officials. The current study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual basis for such an assertion through analysis of existing literature and practices. The study proposes that educational qualification has a significant direct impact on effectiveness of the elected PRI representatives. Furthermore, their educational qualification also determines the extent to which capacity-building training imparted to elected PRI representatives enhances their effectiveness as elected officials. Thus, educational qualification has been identified as both an independent/predictor variable as well as a Moderator.

Diversity of representation is important for the democratic principles of equality, effectiveness, fairness, justice and legitimacy. However, the lack of good quality and consistently defined data for most protected characteristics considerably hampers the monitoring of the diversity of political representation in Britain.The aim of this report is to assess the quality of the available data on the diversity of candidates and elected officials at UK, national and local election levels and to identify where there are data gaps and limitations.The report draws together the best currently available data on the protected characteristics of candidates standing in the 2016 and 2017 elections in Great Britain. The report also sets out recommendations for improving the monitoring of diversity of political representation.Few data are available for most of the protected characteristics defined in the Equality Act 2010, and what is available is often drawn from reduced sample sizes. This reveals a fragmented picture with many gaps, making it difficult to assess confidently the diversity of political representation in Britain. Much of the current evidence relies on observation or self-reporting in surveys, and low response rates to those questions highlights the challenge of collecting this sort of information. However, the data that are available indicate that elected representatives in Great Britain remain unrepresentative of the population in their socio-demographic characteristics.Our assessment of diversity is drawn from information available on the diversity of candidates and elected representatives in the House of Commons, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and local elections. The focus is on six out of the nine protected characteristics listed in the Equality Act 2010 for which data were available: age, disability, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation. No data were available for gender reassignment.Section 106 of EA 2010 places a statutory obligation on political parties to ...

Diversity of representation is important for the democratic principles of equality, effectiveness, fairness, justice and legitimacy. However, the lack of good quality and consistently defined data for most protected characteristics considerably hampers the monitoring of the diversity of political representation in Britain.The aim of this report is to assess the quality of the available data on the diversity of candidates and elected officials at UK, national and local election levels and to identify where there are data gaps and limitations.The report draws together the best currently available data on the protected characteristics of candidates standing in the 2016 and 2017 elections in Great Britain. The report also sets out recommendations for improving the monitoring of diversity of political representation.Few data are available for most of the protected characteristics defined in the Equality Act 2010, and what is available is often drawn from reduced sample sizes. This reveals a fragmented picture with many gaps, making it difficult to assess confidently the diversity of political representation in Britain. Much of the current evidence relies on observation or self-reporting in surveys, and low response rates to those questions highlights the challenge of collecting this sort of information. However, the data that are available indicate that elected representatives in Great Britain remain unrepresentative of the population in their socio-demographic characteristics.Our assessment of diversity is drawn from information available on the diversity of candidates and elected representatives in the House of Commons, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and local elections. The focus is on six out of the nine protected characteristics listed in the Equality Act 2010 for which data were available: age, disability, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation. No data were available for gender reassignment.Section 106 of EA 2010 places a statutory obligation on political parties to ...