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Canada's points system was historically significant for its universalism, ending ethnic discrimination in the selection process for new immigrants. In spite of its appeal world-wide, however, it has not been successful in matching well-qualified migrants to good jobs, instead leading to "brain waste", as exemplified by academics driving taxis. To avoid this problem, Germany should not imitate Canada's points system, but instead Canada's easy naturalization, welcoming multiculturalism, and acceptance of immigrants in political life. Germany has made important steps toward a universalist immigration system. It is part of the EU's open sphere, which enables every EU citizen to move freely. This sphere may be further widened in the coming years. Moreover, the EU Blue Card system enables anyone in the world to work in Germany, with only a minimum salary level as a condition. The EU's open sphere and Blue Card system are making important contributions to the establishment of an open world, a perspective that should be discussed in North America. Keywords: points system, Germany, Canada, immigration, universalism, brain waste, EU, Blue Card, central planning, foreign students

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 Migration in the 1850s and 1860s -- 2 Migration in the Age of Bismarck and Macdonald, 1870-90 -- 3 Migration in the Generation before the Great War, 1890-1914 -- 4 Interwar Migration, 1919-39 -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Z.

Frontmatter -- Cover -- Andreas Genoni: Status and Ethnic Identity. A Study on First- and Second-Generation Migrants in Germany -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Table of Contents -- List of Illustrations -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 The notion of ethnic identity -- 1.2 Studying ethnic identity -- 1.3 The role of status -- 1.3.1 One-dimensionality and dichotomisation: The case of classical assimilationtheory -- 1.3.2 Empirical evidence raises questions -- 1.4 Research interest -- 1.5 Outline of this book -- 2 Theoretical Framework -- 2.1 The two building blocks of social production function theory -- 2.1.1 Resources, goals, needs and utility: The hierarchy of social production functions -- 2.1.2 Maintaining and improving personal need satisfaction -- 2.2 Social production functions and context -- 2.3 A general model to explain migrants' ethnic identity -- 2.3.1 Individual resources and contextual conditions -- 2.3.2 Instrumental goals for social approval -- 2.3.3 Social approval and ethnic identity -- 2.3.4 Separated identity -- 2.3.5 Assimilated identity -- 2.3.6 Dual identity -- 2.3.7 No/weak identity -- 2.4 Summary -- 3 Data -- 3.1 The German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS): Startingcohort (SC) 6 -- 3.2 The sample -- 4 Empirical Investigation -- 4.1 A note on multinomial logistic regression analysis -- 4.2 Analysis 1: Status and ethnic identity: The role of generation status and migrant recognisability -- 4.2.1 An intergenerational perspective on status and ethnic identity -- 4.2.2 The role of migrant recognisability -- 4.2.3 Model specification and analytical strategy -- 4.2.4 Findings -- 4.2.5 Discussion -- 4.3 Analysis 2: Status mismatch and ethnic identity -- 4.3.1 Theoretical considerations and expectations -- 4.3.2 Model specification and analytical strategy -- 4.3.3 Findings -- 4.3.4 Discussion.

In Germany, as in many other European democracies, immigrationand citizenship are contested and contentious issues. In the Germancase it was both the magnitude of postwar and recent immigration aswell as its interference with questions of identity that created politicaland social conflict. As a result of World War II, the coexistenceof two German states, and the persistence of ethnic German minoritiesin central and eastern Europe, (West) Germany's migration andnaturalization policy was inclusive toward expellees, GDR citizens,and co-ethnics. At the same time, the Federal Republic of Germany,despite the recruitment of several million foreign labor migrantsand—until 1992—a relatively liberal asylum practice, did not developsimilar mechanisms and policies of absorption and integration of itslegal foreign residents.

Traditionally, Turkey has been known as a country of emigration. Starting from the early 1960s and well into the 1970s, large numbers of Turkish nationals migrated to western European countries, particularly West Germany. This emigration continued until recent times through family reunification schemes and the asylum track. However, more recently, Turkey has also become a country of transit to the European Union (EU) for irregular migrants from Asian countries such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan. Turkey is also becoming a destination for EU professionals and retirees as well as regular and irregular migrants from former Soviet Bloc countries. Furthermore, a growing number of transit migrants are stranded in Turkey. Finally, Turkey is a country of refuge for asylum seekers coming from neighbouring Middle East countries and beyond. Turkey's status as a 'transition country' and its efforts to become a member of the EU are creating pressures for an overhaul of its immigration and asylum Policies. Adapted from the source document.

Upto the end of the nineteenth century Germany was a country of emigrants. Until recently the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century transatlantic migration of more than five million Germans, mostly to North America, has been largely forgotten in contemporary Germany, except by a few historians. That is all the more true for the mass movement of foreign migrant workers into the German labor market in the decades preceding World War I. Of immediate interest in West Germany today is the so-called "guest-worker question" (Gastarbeiterfrage) which is now becoming an immigration issue in contrast to the earlier "foreign-worker question" in pre-World War I Germany. In recent years West Germany witnessed the transition from a country hiring "guest workers" to one possessing a genuine immigrant minority. This ongoing experience has contributed to a new interest in the historical development of transnational migration in both of its manifestations, as emigration and as immigration. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Germany experienced alternating waves of the two forms of transnational mass migration, both of which were dwarfed by the internal migration streams.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Executive summary -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction: Becoming EU Citizens - Consequences for Bulgarian Migrants in Germany -- 1.1 The case of Bulgaria in Migration Research -- 1.2 Theoretical Considerations -- 1.3 Aims and Methodology -- 1.4 Structure of the Study -- 2 Background: History of Bulgarian Migration to Germany -- 2.1 The Cold War Period (1946-1989) -- 2.2 The Post-Cold War Period (1989-1993) -- 2.3 The Visa Period (1993-2001) -- 2.4 The EU Pre-Accession Period (2001-2006) -- 2.5 The EU Post-Accession Period (since 2007) -- 2.6 Summary -- 3 Methodology: a Time-Location Sampling Survey Among Bulgarians in Hamburg -- 3.1 Surveying Persons of Migration Background -- 3.2 The Choice of a Time-Location Sampling Method -- 3.3 Designing the Migrant Survey -- 3.3.1 Selection of Hamburg as a Location for the Survey -- 3.3.2 Selection of Locations for Data Collection -- 3.3.3 Questionnaire Preparation -- 3.4 Fieldwork in Hamburg -- 3.5 Sample Analysis -- 3.5.1 Weighting Procedure -- 3.5.2 Sample Description -- 3.5.3 Quality of the Sample -- 3.6 Summary -- 4 Migration Patterns: Providing Empirical Evidence Beyond Official Statistics -- 4.1 Explanations for Increased Migration After EU Accession -- 4.1.1 Reasons for Increased Migration -- 4.1.2 Patterns of Post-Accession Migration -- 4.2 Estimate of the Population of Bulgarian Background in Hamburg -- 4.3 Little-known Migrant Characteristics -- 4.3.1 Gender, Age, Education -- 4.3.2 Ethnic Composition -- 4.3.3 Motivations for Migration -- 4.3.4 Labour Status Before Migration -- 4.4 Duration of Migration -- 4.4.1 Residence Status -- 4.4.2 Circular Migration -- 4.4.3 Migrants' Long-term Orientations -- 4.5 Migrants' Broader Social Integration -- 4.5.1 Indicators of Cultural, Interactive and Identificative Integration.

With its stubborn denial of immigration except for the highly qualified, Japan has long been considered a strange outlier among the rich nations. However, it is quite ironic that these days all other rich countries have adopted this mantra: let in the best and the brightest, keep out the unqualified. All over Europe there is talk that "we got the wrong migrants" (Sarkozy). Germany and other countries have developed plans to attract specialists, and to become less attractive for other immigrants. No other country is as effective in deportation as is Japan. The widely praised point systems, particularly in Canada and Australia, are clearly efficient in bringing in highly qualified people but not in placing them into highly qualified jobs. High percentages of qualified immigrants are working below qualification in all countries, and thus do not help countries to become more competitive. In all OECD countries, highly qualified immigrants suffer from "brain waste." Consequently, Germany and Japan, confronted by particular demographic challenges, should open up their labor markets, set minimum wage standards for immigrants, start large-scale student immigration schemes, and do away with impediments and red tape in both public and private life. (Asien/GIGA)

These volumes represent the cumulative findings of two American scholars who have visited, resided in, and conducted research in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) at regular intervals since the 1980s. Although some chapters of both books are updated versions of articles originally published up to twenty years ago, in their current configuration they offer a longitudinal analysis of more than fifty years of immigration to a state that, until 2005, stubbornly insisted that it was a non-immigration country. Joyce Marie Mushaben and Ruth Mandel approach the issues around immigration and minority integration in Germany through the lenses of their respective disciplines— political science and cultural anthropology—but they share many central concerns and viewpoints. Both focus on the Turkish guest-workers and their families and descendents, analyzing the politics and culture surrounding their arrival and eventual settlement in Germany in the context of the larger waves of flight, resettlement, and labor recruitment that have brought 20 million newcomers to stay on in Germany since the end of World War II. They present Germany's Turkish population of nearly 2 million as victims of the FRG's arcane politics of immigration and citizenship. And they describe how, over three generations, in the face of inadequate German policies to integrate them, these guest-workers have begun to integrate themselves, in the process changing their own political culture as well as that of the larger society around them. Both books point to the very different and changing conditions that have shaped the trajectories in the FRG of expellees, co-ethnic resettlers, late resettlers, guest-workers, refugees, and quota refugees, among others. Both scholars underscore the lack of articulation between federal and more local, community-based incorporation policies, which has complicated the processes of settling in for many of Germany's immigrant groups.