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Division of labour (DoL) was recognized as a priority in EU development cooperation policy a decade ago, but has lost importance in recent years. Though the Union still promotes joint programming for better aid coordination, other EU interests took precedence. This reflects general trend of instrumentalisation of European development cooperation, which is less focused on traditional goals like poverty eradication or aid effectiveness but serves more political, security, and economic self-interests. This paper traces the evolution of the European approach to DoL and highlights the major reasons for its limited successes. It claims that among most important ones was the imprecise and inadequate description of the EU's own comparative advantage and added value. The main aim of this analysis is to propose the concept functional DoL in which the European institutions focus development assistance more on the regional level while leaving national programmes to the Member States. This would better utilise the Union's unique expertise and help in more strategic allocation of EU aid. Though such a radical shift seems improbable in the short term for reasons including vested interests and path dependency, the EU can already start refocusing on regional development-cooperation programmes. This would be in line with EU external policy goals and allow it to boost regional cooperation while competing with emerging donors like China.

According to many democracy theorists, there is an unavoidable trade-off between constitutionalism & the need for political action. This paper criticizes that belief. Rather, it argues that a division of power, while sometimes entailing high political transaction costs, can nevertheless be beneficial and that it is not necessarily the case that a division of power does entail high transaction costs. The analysis expands the framework of Buchanan & Tullock (1962). Constitutionalism is thus defended against one of its main perceived deficiencies: its bringing about gridlock. This does not always happen, & when it does, it is often a good thing. 2 Tables, 4 Figures, 92 References. Adapted from the source document.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine differences in manufacturing managers' perceptions of functional area power in manufacturing organizations to address the perception in the literature that manufacturing has little if any power in the organization.Design/methodology/approachSurvey data gathered from 129 manufacturing executives in the USA are used to examine their perceptions of differences in functional power in manufacturing firms. Relative rankings of functional areas for four types of power – position, expertise, resource, and political – are used to examine perceived differences, and the relationship between power and the role of the manufacturing executive in strategic decision making.FindingsContrary to prior assertions in the manufacturing strategy literature, it was found that the manufacturing and marketing areas are perceived by manufacturing managers to be the most powerful functions, switching in their dominant roles depending upon the type of power. In addition, a relationship exists between position, expertise, and political power and the role of the manufacturing executive.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough, this research includes a second respondent from a sub‐sample of firms, future research should examine not only the manufacturing managers' perceptions of intra‐organizational power, but also should dovetail the paper's findings with perceptions of managers in other functional areas as well.Practical implicationsManufacturing managers can take actions to enhance their role in business‐level strategic decisions and be proactive in increasing the power of their functional area.Originality/valueThis paper addresses intra‐organizational power, which has not been examined in the manufacturing strategy literature from the perspective of the manufacturing manager's perception.

In this paper, we analyse the sectoral and functional division of labour in Central and Eastern European (CEE) regions within the convergence debate. By analysing the investment decisions of multinational corporations in 49 NUTS‐2 regions across 6 European CEE countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria), we show that capital city regions not only receive more greenfield FDI but also attract a larger variety of investments in terms of sectors and functions. Capital cities are more likely to host higher‐end sectors and functions, which provides an explanation for the existing regional disparities within CEE countries. These results highlight the importance of functional and sectoral divisions of labour in the view of regional profiling and contribute to the recent EU Cohesion Policy debate.

BRITISH POLITICAL THEORY CONCERNING THE RELATIONSHIP OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT TO DEMOCRACY DID NOT END WITH J.S.MILL. TWENTIETH CENTURY SOCIALISTS DEVELOPED ELABORATE SCHEMES TO ENABLE SMALL TERRITORIAL UNITS TO CONTROL THEIR OWN AFFAIRS. THESE SCHEMES REMAIN A SOURCE OF INSPIRATION TO THE MODERN REFORMER. THEY SUGGEST WAYS OF PROMOTING EFFICIENCY, PARTICIPATION, AND PLURALISM.