Suchergebnisse

Front Pembela Islam (FPI) is an Islamic socio-religious organization group in Indonesia. The members' preaching ways are considerably radical, and often has appalled many people, especially in implementing "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar". These radical actions have caused some fear, even violated human rights for some members of the community. This study, then, presents the facts by looking further interactions and implications of FPI's social movement in da'wah activities. Thus, the symbol and propaganda on "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar" are possibly reconsidered based on the social conditions of surrounding communities. Taking an action as a law enforcer of values, norms, and social order in the community means neglecting the responsibility of the government.***Front Pembela Islam (FPI) adalah sebuah kelompok organisasi sosial keagamaan Islam di Indonesia. Cara berdakwah para anggota FPI yang radikal, sering menimbulkan terkejut banyak orang, terutama dalam menerapkan "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar". Tindakan radikal yang dilakukan oleh FPI telah menyebabkan rasa takut, bahkan melanggar hak asasi manusia (HAM) untuk beberapa anggota masyarakat. Dengan demikian penelitian ini menyajikan beberapa fakta dengan memperhatikan interaksi lebih lanjut dan implikasi dari gerakan sosial FPI dalam kegiatan dakwah. Dengan demikian, simbol dan propaganda tentang "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar" perlu dipertimbangkan berdasarkan kondisi sosial masyarakat sekitar. Mengambil tindakan sebagai penegak hukum, nilai-nilai, norma-norma dan tatanan sosial di masyarakat berarti mengabaikan tanggung jawab pemerintah.

The Indonesian government's decision to dissolve the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) has sparked controversy. Republika.co.id is one of the online media that intensively reported on the disbandment of FPI three days after the government's decision was delivered, which was to release 47 stories on its online site. This article aims to find out how the Republika.co.id media framed the issue concerning the history of Republika as a media that was created by the Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association (ICMI), one of the famous Islamic groups in Indonesia. In addition, this article also analyzes how media framing is related to media ownership to see the media's alignment with power. This article uses framing analysis by Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki to determine how the text strategy of media builds frames. The results show that the Republika.co.id remains critical of the government's policy of disbanding FPI as an organization even though the media owners are part of the government.

This study aims to analyze the movement for the application of Islamic law by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Mojokerto. Mojokerto is a city with strong NU tradition roots as NU Mojokerto is one of the largest Islamic organizations in this city. So far, NU Mojokerto has never carried out acts of violence in the name of religion. However, the strong tradition of NU does not guarantee the development of radical issues in Mojokerto. This study tries to analyze the strategy of mass networking as well as its efforts in implementing Islamic law in Mojokerto. This research is a field study that uses political opportunity theory to analyze the movement. Based on the research, the author found that there were two strategies undertaken by FPI to implement Islamic law in Mojokerto. First, FPI uses democracy to support candidate leaders who are on the same mission as them. In addition, FPI also encourages society to choose a leader who supports the implementation of Islamic law. Secondly, FPI takes an action in doing the raid in particular places around the city. The political opportunities that have opened since the reformation era have made it easier for FPI to mobilize the masses, FPI has the freedom to express its opinion in various actions.

The government's decision regarding the dissolution and termination of all FPI activities raises pro and contra among the media and the public. The dissolution of FPI was decided by means of a decree signed by six ministers and heads of state institutions. This study aims to describe and dismantle the discourse of the news text on the decision to dissolve FPI using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The research method used is Norman Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis through understanding text and context. There are five steps that are used as a reference. First, focus on social irregularities in its semiotic aspects. Second, identify barriers to address the social irregularities. Third, consider whether social order requires social irregularity. Fourth, identify possible ways to overcome these obstacles. Fifth, reflect critically from those four points. The results showed that kompas.com put FPI as the wrong position and the government's decision to dissolve FPI through an SKB was right. It is clear that kompas.com sided with the government. Kompas.com follows part of the flow of public votes in its news about FPI as a business strategy. The positioning of kompas.com was carried out because the government's decision to dissolve FPI caused pro and contra among the media and the public.

At the end of 2016, Islamist organisations proved able to mobilise hundreds of thousands of people for political purposes in Indonesia. In order to explain their success, the role of social media should not be underestimated, as Islamic movements rely heavily on agitation in online media. This article sheds light on the example of the Front Pembela Islam, using one of the organisation's Facebook pages as a case study. Within the algorithmic enclave of a cyber tribe, narratives and symbols are applied in memes. The research examines how narratives and symbols evoke emotions in online memes and offline banners, what narratives are addressed, and how the memes make claims regarding commonly acknowledged signifiers such as the NKRI, Islam and Pluralism. The guiding thesis is that these memes express not simply anti-pluralist or anti-NKRI notions, as opponents of these groups frequently assert, but rather combinations ofrobust nationalism and their alternative version of pluralism with conservative Islamic approaches. Nonetheless, threats and enemies are inevitably present as a constitutive outside and suggest a highly exclusive version of Indonesianness. Thus similar narratives and symbols applied in online media also emerge within public spaces, blurring the distinction between the online and offline realms.

This research will discuss the Indonesian government's policy in dealing with the Islamic Defenders Front after the events of 212 from 2016 to 2021. Meanwhile, the method used in this paper is a type or model of case studies as part of qualitative research using the concept of state repression against FPI after the 212 events. And in conducting research, the data that will be used is through literature studies both from books, journals, and media coverage, as well as official government-owned sources and social movements that are the object of study in this study. In reviewing the state's policy towards the Islamic Defenders Front movement, Boykoff's approach was used to understand the state's attitude towards these movements both in terms of repression strategies and tactics carried out to repress social movements, because of which the government repressed the FPI after the events of 212. The Jokowi government carried out a repression strategy against the FPI to drain resources (resource depletion) by committing violence against activists, detention, and making extraordinary rules and laws, stigmatizing, and intimidating.

Abstract The processes of democratisation and liberalisation initiated during the course of the Indonesian Reformasi era (1998-) generated a stronger porosity in the State's frontiers and led to the formation of certain semi-institutionalised organisations. The approaching 2019 presidential elections have enabled these organisations to position themselves as political and moral brokers. The Islamic Defenders Front militia (FPI) appears to be one of the main actors in this process. It has succeeded in imposing itself in the public sphere, channelling political support and utilising extensive media coverage. While avoiding providing direct opposition to the ruling government and the Constitution, this organisation promotes the social morals followed by a large part of the population and encourages radicalism and violent actions in the name of Islam. The organisation collaborates with a section of the regional and national political elites, some sections of the army and police, several groups that are—more or less—criminal in nature, a number of local communities in different areas, and a variety of violent Islamist groups. Thus, it is at the crossroads of multiple political, economic, social, and religious interests. At the same time, the organisation's leaders maintain their own political objectives. They manipulate the dynamics of the electoral decentralised system to their advantage by obtaining political concessions that serve their personal goals. The capacity of the organisation to impose its discourse on the public stage has led to an urgent need to interrogate both the institutional and ideological transformations initiated by the Indonesian decentralisation since 1999.

Abstract. FPI (Islamic Defenders Front) is a mass organization that has consistently became the opposition since the reformation. However, during the Joko Widodo's (Jokowi) reign, the opposition stance of FPI was more dominant. By the though of Habib Rizieq Syihab as founder of FPI about democracy, as well as utilizing qualitative methods, this study aims to analyze the reasons of FPI's positioning as an opposition to the Jokowi government. This study finds there are two factors that become the basis of FPI's opposition namely ideological and political. Ideologically, FPI's opposition is caused by what is believe as democrazy system, economic democrazy and legal democracy that occurred in Indonesia. In addition, the political factor is caused background was caused by various conflicts between FPI and the Jokowi government, namely the criminalization of ulama, the polemic of HRS's return to Indonesia, the shooting of the FPI Laskar, the disbandment of the FPI and the arrest of FPI members.Keywords: FPI, democrazy, opposition, Jokowi's government.Abstrak. FPI (Front Pembela Islam) merupakan organisasi kemasyarakatan yang secara konsisten menempatkan diri sebagai oposisi sejak reformasi. Namun, pada masa pemerintahan Joko Widodo (Jokowi) sikap oposisi FPI lebih dominan dibandingkan dengan masa pemerintahan sebelumnya. Dengan landasan berpikir Habib Rizieq Syihab selaku pendiri FPI terkait demokrasi, serta metode kualitatif, penelitian ini ingin melihat alasan FPI memposisikan diri sebagai oposisi terhadap pemerintahan Jokowi. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa landasan sikap oposisi FPI dibedakan menjadi dua latar belakang, yakni ideologis dan politis. Secara ideologis, sikap oposisi FPI disebabkan oleh democrazy sistem, democrazy ekonomi dan democrazy hukum yang terjadi di Indonesia. Kemudian, latar belakang politis diakibatkan oleh berbagai konflik antara FPI dengan pemerintahan Jokowi, yaitu kriminalisasi ulama, polemik kepulangan HRS ke Indonesia, penembakan Laskar FPI, pembubaran FPI dan penangkapan anggota FPI.Kata Kunci: FPI, demokrasi, oposisi, pemerintahan Jokowi.

The title of this research is "Religious Identity and Social Movement Pattern (Case Study of Islamic Defenders Front in Palembang City)". This study examines the pattern of FPI social movements in the city of Palembang in upholding Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar and the impact of the use of the religious identity. This paper parses and discusses how the FPI in eradicating immoral place (Controling) and other social activities carried out by the Islamic Defenders Front in the city of Palembang and how the impact of the use of religious identity on the FPI social movement in the city of Palembang. The method used in this study is a qualitative method that is the method of field research. In this study there are two sources of data, namely primary data and secondary data sources. Data collection techniques through observation, interviews, documentation and data were analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Determination of informants in research carried out in a manner that has been determined. The informants chosen in this study were the Chairperson of Palembang City FPI, Palembang City FPI Secretary and Palembang City FPI Secretary General Wing. The findings obtained from this study include, first, the pattern of field action used by the Islamic Defenders Front is controling immoral places. Islamic Defenders Front usually do after getting reports from the public and of course follow the procedures that have been determined by the standard procedures of FPI. Secondly, the pattern of the FPI movement in religious activities that is, conducting Majlis Ta'lim or Tabligh Akbar from mosques, especially in the Daarul Muttaqin mosque, is carried out every Saturday night. Then the routine recitation of the FPI maracas every evening Friday, and open preaching training in the city of Palembang, so the organization's religious activities are open to the public. Third, the pattern of the FPI movement in social activities that is, in the field of education FPI provides education in a strict manner especially religious education, such as chanting, memorizing the Qur'an and other religious knowledge. As for FPI health activities in Palembang City generally in South Sumatra, such as blood donations, mass circumcision, providing ambulance cars, social services and opening posts for those affected by the disaster, be it fires, landslides and other disasters in South Sumatra. HILMI is a subsidiary of the FPI organization that moves to help when there is a disaster that occurred in South Sumatra. Fourth, the FPI movement pattern in political activities to voice or support candidates who ask for help from FPI, there must first be an agreement and help or defend Muslims and fight for Islamic law. If the candidates are willing, FPI is ready to help fight for their aspirations through political channels. The impact of the use of religious identity on the patterns of movement carried out by FPI in its activities has always been responded well from the government and accepted by the community. Because the impact of every movement or action there has never been a conflict between the government and the people in Palembang City.

This article explores the history of thoughts and movements of the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) in Indonesia between 1998 and 2012. The study concludes that since many government regulations are violated by the public, including the prohibition of gambling, prostitution and other forms of disobedience and lack of firmness of the government, FPI feels the need to take the initiative to help the government fight against immorality in order to enforce amr ma'rûf nahy munkar. This is done through the movement run by the military force of the FPI who often uses means of violence. In line with this study, FPI should not perform nahy munkar movement using any violent means, such as damaging public facilities, hurting people, and other destructive deeds. The reason is that by doing such violent actions, FPI will not even help resolving the moral problems that occur in Indonesia. In addition, the violent movement does not reflect the image of Islam as a religion of peace.

The Islamic Defenders Front is an Islamic organization that contributes to the democratic process in Indonesia after the New Order government. FPI was declared on August 17, 1998 by adhering to the principle of its movement, namely Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar. This type of research is qualitative research with a case study approach. This study aims to find out how the typology of the movement of Islamic defenders fronts in Makassar, the theory used is the typology theory of social movements proposed by David Aberle, Cameron and Blumer as well as the theory of social movement by Charles Tilly. The results of the research indicate that the organization of Makassar Islamic Defenders Front viewed from the objectives of the movement and the methods used to achieve the objectives, the dimensions of change (who is changed) and the dimensions of change including typology category of social alternative movement category, and social redemptive movement. This movement also potentially transforms into political movements.

Beberapa tahun terakhir konflik agama menjadi ancaman bagi keutuhan bangsa. Konflik agama seolah tidak dapat dipisahkan oleh kepentingan politik setelah beberapa gelombang aksi damai dipelopori oleh Front Pembela Islam (FPI). FPI menjadi organisasi masyarakat yang sangat popular dengan berbagai kontroversi yang dihasilkan dan dicitrakan oleh media. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meneliti peran fanatisme agama, prasangka agama dan intensi konflik terhadap konflik agama dengan partisipan penelitian anggota Front Pembela Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif. Penelitian dilakukan di Surabaya, JawaTimur dengan menggunakan teknik accidental sampling. Pengujian dan analisis data menggunakan Structural Equation Model (SEM) dimana pengujian model teoritis dinyatakan sesuai (fit), dan menunjukan pengaruh langsung dan tidak langsung pada variabel fanatisme agama terhadap variabel konflik agama. Hasil analisis jalur penelitian menunjukan terdapat peran secara signifikan antara fanatisme agama, prasangka agama, dan intense konflik agama. Hasil analisis menunjukan terdapat peran baik secara simultan maupun parsial antara variabel fanatisme agama, prasangka agama, dan intensi konflik terhadap konflik agama.Kata Kunci: Fanatisme Agama, Front Pembela Islam, Intensi Konflik, Konflik Agama, Prasangka Agama

The author analyses the Front of Defenders of Islam as the largest legal organisation of Indonesian supporters of political Islam, which existed in Indonesia from 1998 to December 2020, when its activities were stopped by the authorities. It is assumed that the religiously motivated political radicalism develops as a heterogeneous phenomenon, and its secondary character became its main feature. Therefore, the Front is analysed in the context of the recent history of the Islamic alternative to the processes of democratic transition and trends of modernisation and secularization also. The author believes that the radicals of the Front were unable to off er an original political program, and their ideology actualised the fragmentation of Indonesian society and the inability of some traditional groups to integrate into a dynamically changing society. The author analyses various forms of intellectual activities of religiously motivated political radicals, including criticism of liberalism, rejection of secularisation, denial of modernisation in general and its forms imagined as extreme in Indonesia by some intellectuals in particular. The author believes that after the prohibition of the Front in December 2020, far-right political Islam in modern Indonesia entered a new stage of its development. The delegitimation of the Front, on the one hand, could become an incentive for the revitalisation of other similar groups in Indonesia. On the other hand, the legal marginalisation of supporters of far-right political Islam and their displacement to the periphery of the legal space can become an incentive for the growth of extremism, inspiring change new tactics of adherents of extreme currents in Indonesian Islam.