Suchergebnisse

El presente artículo analiza una de las operaciones espaciales de tipo simbólico más importantes de las emprendidas por el primer franquismo, la de la creación de una ciudad dual, Belchite, donde pudiera experimentarse a través de los sentidos el relato político en el que los sublevados pretendían basar el golpe militar de 1936, la guerra civil y el régimen subsiguiente. Este trabajo contrasta la utopía urbana que pretendió construirse a través del símbolo de los dos Belchites (el de la modernización y el de las ruinas) con la existencia de tres Belchites más. Porque cuando el símbolo se acuñó, en la localidad no había solo dos núcleos habitados sino cinco (uno de ellos en construcción), de los cuales tres eran espacios disciplinarios fruto de una represión de diferente intensidad. Mediante un caso paradigmático de alto contenido simbólico, este estudio pretende plantear la vertiente espacial de la violencia del régimen y la existencia de diferentes tipos de heterotopías franquicias. Abstract. The five Belchites. Utopias and heterotopias at the first Francoist Spain The present work analyses one of the most important spatial operations of symbolic nature of those undertaken by the first Francoism: the creation of a dual city, Belchite, where it were possible to experience through the senses the political discourse on which the rebels intended to base the military coup of 1936, the civil war and the subsequent regime. This work contrasts the urban utopia that the regime tried to build through the symbol of "the two Belchite" (the modern one and that of the ruins) with the existence of three more Belchite. Because, when the symbol was coined, in the village there were not only two inhabited areas but ve (one of them under construction), of which three were disciplinary spaces that were the result of a repression of varying intensity. Through a paradigmatic case with high symbolic content, this study intend to raise the question of the spatial dimension of the regime's violence, and the existence of different types of Francoist heterotopias. ; Postprint (author's final draft)

El presente artículo analiza una de las operaciones espaciales de tipo simbólico más importantes de las emprendidas por el primer franquismo, la de la creación de una ciudad dual, Belchite, donde pudiera experimentarse a través de los sentidos el relato político en el que los sublevados pretendían basar el golpe militar de 1936, la guerra civil y el régimen subsiguiente. Este trabajo contrasta la utopía urbana que pretendió construirse a través del símbolo de los dos Belchites (el de la modernización y el de las ruinas) con la existencia de tres Belchites más. Porque cuando el símbolo se acuñó, en la localidad no había solo dos núcleos habitados sino cinco (uno de ellos en construcción), de los cuales tres eran espacios disciplinarios fruto de una represión de diferente intensidad. Mediante un caso paradigmático de alto contenido simbólico, este estudio pretende plantear la vertiente espacial de la violencia del régimen y la existencia de diferentes tipos de heterotopías franquicias. Abstract. The five Belchites. Utopias and heterotopias at the first Francoist Spain The present work analyses one of the most important spatial operations of symbolic nature of those undertaken by the first Francoism: the creation of a dual city, Belchite, where it were possible to experience through the senses the political discourse on which the rebels intended to base the military coup of 1936, the civil war and the subsequent regime. This work contrasts the urban utopia that the regime tried to build through the symbol of "the two Belchite" (the modern one and that of the ruins) with the existence of three more Belchite. Because, when the symbol was coined, in the village there were not only two inhabited areas but ve (one of them under construction), of which three were disciplinary spaces that were the result of a repression of varying intensity. Through a paradigmatic case with high symbolic content, this study intend to raise the question of the spatial dimension of the regime's violence, and the existence of different types of Francoist heterotopias. ; Postprint (author's final draft)

Fascism in Spain? Almost no historian has spoken of fascism in Franco's Spain without denying it altogether, modifying conceptual boundaries or adding terminological parameters (para-, proto-, pseudo-, -ized). Yet, it is just possible that something is not being handled correctly.
In this article, through a critical review of some of the central features in the field of historical interpretation of fascism, comparative analysis is employed to re-examine the current characterization of the Franco regime and to identify it as fascist during the civil war and immediate
post-war period. In examining some of the latest historiographical debates and advances, this article proposes a coherent reading of Spanish fascism. In this sphere historiography does seem to be in agreement: violence and its contexts occupy a central position in the analysis of fascism.
Violence, institutionalization and context are some of the theoretical issues that aim to re-evaluate the position of Franc's Spain within the European family of Fascism.

Societies in transition are vulnerable to strong forces for political change. When Franco's fascist government defeated the socialist party that had taken control from 1931 to 1936, it aligned itself with Spain's Catholic Church. For most of Spain's history, the established Church culture had been inseparable from Spanish identity and Catholicism was taught in all schools, private and public. Therefore, under the guise of religion, the government used the educational system as a means of socialization, connecting nationalism and religion to promote their fascist agenda. The purpose of this historiographic study is to examine the relationships among the school, government, and Church in Spain during the Franco era (1939 - 1975) in the context of that nation's social, economic, political, and cultural forces. An examination of school textbooks written and used in the Franco era were analyzed as to their reflection of State and Church policies. Interviews of Spaniards that attended school during the Franco era were also included.

This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco's dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans' organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans' organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.

This social thought piece constitutes a contribution to the history of anthropology in southern Europe. Using Spain under Francisco Franco as a case study, it demonstrates the close connection between anthropology as an academic discipline, on the one hand, and fascist rule, on the other. While anthropologists neither whole-heartedly accepted the Franco regime (1939–1975) nor worked directly on that regime's behalf, anthropological topics, theories, and approaches of the day posed no threat to the fascist regime and were, in fact, consonant with certain basic principles promoted by that regime. The culture concept, which linked particular territories to particular customs and ways of life, was in complete accord with the fascist division of society into named geographic entities, each with its own folklore, speech patterns, and popular forms of ritual and religion. Anthropologists and supporters of the Franco dictatorship alike—whether intentionally or not—ignored considerations of socioeconomic class. At the same time, anthropologists began to investigate small communities located in highly complex, literate societies. The rural peoples of these societies came to be classified as "peasants," identified as repositories of traditional, stable ways of life, inherited from the distant past. Such anthropological studies were consonant with the ideology of the Franco regime, which glorified rural peoples and a supposedly ancient, heroic past. Similar developments were occurring elsewhere in Europe, particularly among anthropologists and folklorists working during the political reign of dictator António Oliveira de Salazar (1932–1968). This piece concludes with changes that have occurred both politically and anthropologically since the rise of democracy in Spain and Portugal during the late 1970s.

Each March in Orihuela in the province of Valencia, Spain, there is a festival of mural painting in honour of local poet Miguel Hernández. For long the poet, who died in a fascist jail in 1942, had been publicly unacknowledged, but now his life, his work and his political involvement as a Republican political activist are openly displayed. How Hernández is remembered provides a powerful example of the struggles between memory and forgetting in post-Franco Spain. Faced with the contradiction of a Pact of Forgetting in 1977 and a Historical Memory Law in 2007, memory in Spain has to be carefully exhumed from under layers of fascist policies and culture.

Spain entered the twentieth century as a relatively underdeveloped nation still deeply rooted in her traditional past. Spanish life had barely begun to experience the stresses of social and economic transformation that recent scholars have identified with the modernization process. Toward the end of the last century, Spanish industry grew at a rapid pace, particularly in the Basque and Catalan regions, but the nation as a whole continued to lag behind the rest of Western Europe in the years before 1914. Although the recently formed trade union movements expanded in response to the new complex of urban-industrial problems, their organizational and political strength remained ineffective until World War I. In the other regions of Spain an agrarian economy, replete with strong anarchist movements, dominated and determined a social order in which provincialism, widespread subsistence living standards, and extensive illiteracy persisted.