Women's liberation versus familism is a subject for debate in traditional countries notably in the Arab world. Its implications refer to the private/public dichotomy, where women's power. concentration is in the private/family and men's in the public/society sphere. Almost always, arguments defending the family are used against calls for women's participation in the public sphere.
Patrimonialism has been used to explain the "backwardness" of Middle Eastern states, their "lacks." Patrimonialism, however, may undermine its own insights by creating false binaries and false histories. The author suggests family/families as a point of departure and political familism as a conceptual step toward reframing analysis of state/citizen relationships in Lebanon. Political familism refers to the deployment of family institutions, ideologies, idioms (idiomatic kinship), practices, and relationships by citizens to activate their demands in relation to the state and by state actors to mobilize practical and moral grounds for governance based on a civic myth of kinship and public discourse that privileges family. Political familism addresses the processes by which states and citizens mutually constitute a set of public practices that reproduce the privileged position of "family," even as specific family relations and practices diverge from discursive presumptions.
Summary'Amoral Familism' ReconsideredIn his article "American Sociologists and Italian Peasant Society" (Soc. Rur. Vol. III, no. 4), Marselli gave particular attention to E. C. Banfields' study: "The Moral Basis of a Backward Society". The present article tries to rescue the latter book from the severe criticism by Marselli, and subsequently to place it in a wider perspective by comparing its results with experience in the Netherlands. The article suggests that Banfields' central theme 'amoral familism' has mainly descriptive value. Excellent though it may be as such, it only partly points to causes. Amoral familism will be, apart from the existence of continuity with older culture, above all, a consequence of a very old dichotomisation of social life. From Banfields' own material it can be shown that rigid social dichotomy is an important factor at least. That it is the main cause also, can only be proved by a sociological examination of Southern Italian history.RésuméReéxamen De L»amoral Familism«Dans son article »Sociologues Americains et Société Paysanne Italienne« (Soc. Ruralis Vol. III, No 4) Marselli a examiné avec une attention particulière l'étude d'E. C. Banfield intitulée »La base morale d'une société en retard«. Le présent article cherche à absoudre ce dernier ouvrage des critiques sévères de Marselli, et en outre, à le placer dans une perspective plus large en ajoutant à ses résultats ceux d'expériences néerlandaises.Cela conduit à suggérer que le thème central de Banfield: »amoral familism« a principalement une valeur descriptive. Aussi exellente que soit cette notion de ce point de vue, elle n'est que partiellement explicative.L'»amoral familism« constitue principalement en dehors de l'existence d'une continuité avec une ancienne culture, une conséquence d'une très ancienne dichotomisation de la vie sociale. En utilisant le matériel même de Banfield, on peut montrer que, une dichotomie sociale rigide est pour le moins, un facteur important; que ce soit aussi la cause essentielle ne pourra être prouvé que par une analyse sociologique de l'histoire de l'Italie du sud.ZusammenfassungNochmals Zum Thema 'Amoralischer Familismus'In seinem Beitrag "Amerikanische Soziologen und die bäuerliche Gesellschaft Italiens" (Soc. Rur. Vol. III, Nr. 4) hat Marselli sich besonders mit Banfield's Studie "The Moral Basis of a Backward Society" beschäftigt. In dem vorliegendem Beitrag wird auf die harte Kritik Marselli's an dem Buch geantwortet und anschliessend versucht, seine Aussage in einen grösseren Rahmen zu stellen, indem die Ergebnisse mit Erfahrungen aus den Niederlanden zusammengebracht werden. Daraus ergibt sich, dass Banfield's zentrales Thema "Amoralischer Familismus" Hauptsächlich deskriptiven Wert hat. So wertvoll das an sich wahrscheinlich ist, zeigt es nur teilweise die Hintergründe auf. Amoralischer Familismus will, abgesehen von dem Vorhandensein eines Zusammenhanges mit der älteren Kultur, vor allem als Folge einer sehr alten Dichotomisierung des sozialen Lebens verstanden werden. An Banfield's eigenem Material lässt sich zeigen, dass rigorose soziale Dichotomie zumindest ein wichtiger Faktor ist. Dass sie auch die Hauptursache ist, kann nur durch eine soziologische Betrachtung der süditalienischen Geschichte nachgewiesen werden.
The aim of this article is to trace the trajectory of family policy development in South Korea from the 1940s to the present. Changes to family intervention are analyzed in terms of the settings of policy instruments, the policy instruments themselves, and policy goals (or policy regimes). Consequently, two critical turning points are identified: the late 1980s and the early 2000s. The first period (1945–1988) was an era of embryonic Korean family policy when family intervention was limited and indirect based on Confucian familism. During the second period (1998–2003), explicit family policies emerged, but the Korean government kept family intervention to a minimum; maintained a division of roles between the state, the market, and families (the state as the regulator and the market/families as the providers); and maintained patriarchal family relations and gendered family roles based on Confucian familism. However, the third period (2003–2016) shows the explosive expansion of family policies and changes in policy goals and regimes based on Neo‐familism, which emphasizes democratic and equal gender relations within families and a family‐friendly/supportive society.
The family could be mobilized as a political resource for economic 'development'. What kind of family would be compatible with a knowledge-based economy? We argue that authoritarian Confucian familism is incompatible with the knowledge-based economy; but it is possible to construct a different model of the ideal Confucian family which will be compatible with such an economy: a family ideal that emphasizes internal strengths of relationships rather than building barriers to keep out 'undesirable influences', that advocates a respect for authority that is authoritative rather than authoritarian.
AbstractFamilismo, or familism, an important Latino cultural construct associated with youth adjustment, describes the importance of family regarding support, comfort, and services. Increased research on familism among Latino families in the past decade has called for a theoretical process model of familism that can guide research on familism, family processes, and youth development. In this article, we propose the behavioral process model of familism (BPMF), which identifies proximal mechanisms through which familism is expected to promote youth psychological adjustment. Specifically, we propose that parenting behaviors (e.g., monitoring, discipline strategies) are a mechanism by which parent familism relates to youth familism and psychological adjustment both directly and via their familism‐consistent behaviors. We hypothesize direct and mediated pathways in the BPMF and consider how sociodemographic variables modify the described processes.
Premises & assumptions implicit in the sociol'al measurement of the concept 'life-style' are examined. It is felt that soc sci'ts must not only develop new & better aggregate measures but improve the quality of existing indices & measures premised on aggregate data. This involves constant testing of the assumptions inherent in the original construction of the index or measure in question. US Census data for 1970 are used to re-examine the empirical basis for some of the assumptions built into the Shevky-Bell type measures of life-style (Wendell Bell, 'Social Choice, Life Styles, and Suburban Residence,' in THE SUBURBAN COMMUNITY, see SA 7449). Specifically, the basic assumption that familism is associated with living in an area characterized by a high % of single-unit dwellings is tested in a random sample survey of 353 households in a 20-square mile area scheduled to be annexed to the City of Lexington, Ky. Although over 90% of the R's were found to live in single-unit dwellings, the strength of the relationship between the survey-based index of familism & the type of dwelling proved to be quite weak. This suggests that extreme caution is required when using aggregate data concerning type of residence as an index of familism in contemporary Ur & subUr settings. The relationship between familism & number of children per household is a central point of Shevky-Bell type indices. But it is of critical importance to know whether households in areas where the presence of children is a dominant fact of life actually organize time & resource priorities around children. A sizeable % of households with some children under 18 org'ed time & resources around rather non-familistic activities & priorities. More careful examination & use of aggregate measures is urged. 1 Table. M. Maxfield.
"This book traces the factors that contributed to the success in controlling the COVID-19 pandemic in South Korea, and identifies the concept of familism as a major environmental factor. The government of South Korea has achieved remarkable outcomes in its COVID-19 response, despite the fact that South Korea usually promotes a family-focused investment of resources at the expense of broader social goals. The author eschews these western cultural biases in theories of crisis management, and suggests that the key component of South Korea's success is not self-centered egotism of individuals, but a focus on family and familism, which projects state as an extension of family. He argues that while the success in managing the COVID-19 epidemic is due to a combination of factors, familism has been a key force in driving this successful response to the COVID-19 outbreak. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of governance, crisis management, civil society, and citizen's participation in public administration international relations, Asian studies, and cultural studies and Confucianism"--
Building on the Behavioral Process Model of Familism, the current study examined the longitudinal association between public and private ethnic regard and familial support, and familism values in a sample of 141 Latinx 7th–10th graders living in a semi-rural, emerging immigrant community. Analyses revealed that changes in public and private regard were positively related to changes in familism ( p<.001) over time, but there were no cross-lagged associations. Additionally, changes in familism were positively and significantly correlated with changes in family support ( p<.001), and more family support at T1 was related to growth in familism at T2 ( p<.001). These findings suggest that familial processes set the stage for continued growth in familism values across adolescence. These results highlight the importance of the family in fostering the growth of familism values over time for youth in emerging immigrant communities.
This article discusses two conceptualizations of the Latin American family: familism, where family needs are placed ahead of individual development; and machismo. Machismo centers around aggression and sexual exploitation and could be considered anti-family. The causes for macho behavior are explored, and an attempt to theorize about these two approaches to family life is made.