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We're seeing, around and about, an insistence that Exxon knew all about CO2 levels and so on back in the 1970s, even the 1960s. We'll leave it to others to discuss more fully the implications of that, we just want to make the one apposite comment.So the allegation, claim, insistence, is that privately funded, within a corporation, science was more accurate and earlier by a couple of decades than publicly funded science and governments. We have got that right, yes? Therefore, when we look around today at who is predicting what for 40 and 50 years in the future we should be looking to what source? The publicly funded science and governments who have been late and wrong? Or the corporate estimates of the future that were early and right? Assuming that original allegation, claim, insistence, is correct then clearly it's the latter, isn't it? The views of those with skin in the long term game - the corporates - have a better view of the future than those playing politics over the same points. So, for example, rather than believing what politics tells us about the need for the circular economy, recycling everything and the looming shortages of critical minerals we should be looking to the estimates from mining companies about what that future holds. You know, the insistences that we might have a shortage of current holes we get our minerals from but there's no shortage of the actual minerals themselves? Oh, good. So, everyone who is insisting that Exxon Knew! is indeed on board with the scientific proof that we've not got a minerals problem then, yes? Glad we've been able to settle that one.

Translated from the Russian from Weltwirtschaft und internationale Beziehungen, no. 8, 1976.

The Exxon Valdez was an oil tanker owned by the ExxonMobil Shipping Company, which gained its infamy after running aground in Prince William Sound spilling more than 11 million galleons (approximately 258,000 barrels) of crude oil [1]. It is currently operating under the name Oriental Nicety, and is owned by Hong Kong Bloom Shipping Ltd. In the early hours of March 24th, 1989 the vessel struck Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, Alaska. The oil impacted over 1,100 miles of non-continuous coastline, making the Exxon Valdez the largest oil spill in U.S. history [2]. Exxon and the U.S. Coast Guard began a massive cleanup effort that included over 11,000 personnel, 1,400 vessels, and 85 aircrafts [2]. The spill affected one of the nations most vulnerable ecosystems, which included a national forest, four national wildlife refuges, five state parks, 3 national parks, four state critical habitat areas, and a state game sanctuary. Total toll on marine wildlife included approximately 300 harbour seals, 2,800 sea otters, and between 250,000 and 500,000 seabirds [3]. The remote location, the large spill size, and the character of the oil spill tested spill preparedness and response capabilities. Government and industry response plans proved to be completely insufficient to maintain an oil spill of this magnitude. Initial industry response to get equipment on site was exceptionally slow, and once deployed the equipment could not cope with the scale of the oil spill. In the aftermath of the incident, Exxon Mobil undertook substantial operational reforms and implemented an extremely thorough operational management system to prevent future incidents. This report will explore the Exxon Valdez incident, environmental losses, economic losses, loss prevention measures, and the impact on design codes, practices and regulations.

Exxon's own research confirmed fossil fuels' role in global warming decades ago -- Exxon believed deep dive into climate research would protect its business -- Exxon confirmed global warming consensus in 1982 with in-house climate models -- Exxon's business ambition collided with climate change under a distant sea -- Highlighting the allure of synfuels, Exxon played down the climate risks -- Exxon sowed doubt about climate science for decades by stressing uncertainty -- Exxon made deep cuts in climate research budget in the 1980s -- More Exxon documents show how much it knew about climate 35 years ago -- Exxon's oil industry peers knew about climate dangers in the 1970s, too -- Appendix I. List of documents [available for download] -- Appendix II. Characters [Exxon executives and others] -- Appendix III. Related stories -- Appendix IV. Frontline videos

Jurisdiction — In general — Territorial — Territorial limits of jurisdiction — Calvo clause — Forum non conveniens — Action by holder of royalty in oil concession against concessionaire — Nationalization of concession by Venezuelan Government — Concession subject to Calvo clause — Whether clause also applicable to royalty agreement — The law of the United States317States as international persons — In general — Recognition of acts of foreign States and governments — Application to dismiss action for damages — Nationalization of oil concessions — Whether holder of a royalty interest entitled to a share of indemnification — Whether United States courts entitled to interpret Venezuelan legislation to determine validity of acts done by Venezuelan Government — Act of State doctrine — The law of the United States

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.