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Good afternoon, first of all, I want to thank the president of the ASI for having the initiative to host this forum, the rector of the Technological University for having been the father of the idea together with Lic. Gallardo de Hernández and all of you, good afternoon.It's my third segment. Mercosur is a grouping of States, four States, that is inserted in the world, an obvious fact that explains that Mercosur has had to develop an agenda for its external relationship, to put things in context.I start with some figures, inter-Mercosur trade until 1998, represented 22% of global trade, trade with the European Union is 28% somewhat higher than inter-Mercosur trade. With the United States there was a figure very similar to inter-Mercosur trade, which is 21%.With the rest of Latin America, trade is 5%, with East Asian countries 9% and the rest of the world 15%. This makes us define ourselves as a group of countries with certain characteristics listed by the ambassador of Brazil, but inserted in a world with which we are closely linked, planning of activities cannot be carried out regardless of the world. ; Buenas tardes, en primer lugar, quiero agradecer al presidente de la ASI por haber tenido la iniciativa de albergar este foro, al señor rector de la Universidad Tecnológica por haber sido el padre de la idea junto con la Lic. Gallardo de Hernández y a todos ustedes, muy buenas tardes.Me toca a mí el tercer segmento. El Mercosur es una agrupación de Estados, cuatro Estados, que está inserta en el mundo, hecho tan obvio que explica que el Mercosur haya tenido que desarrollar una agenda para su relación externa, para poner las cosas en su contexto.Empiezo por algunas cifras, el comercio ínter Mercosur hasta 1998, representó el 22% del comercio global, el comercio con la Unión Europea es del 28% algo mayor que el comercio ínter Mercosur. Con Estados Unidos existía una cifra muy parecida al comercio ínter Mercosur que es el 21%.Con los países del resto de América Latina el comercio es del 5%, con los países del este del Asia es de 9% y con el resto del mundo del 15%. Esto hace que nos autodefinamos como un grupo de países con determinadas características que enumeró el embajador de Brasil, pero inserto en un mundo con el cual estamos muy vinculados, no puede efectuarse una planificación de actividades prescindiendo del mundo.

Where does the balance of power lie in a policy-making institution with an external agenda setter, legislators, and lobbies? In a multiple round majority rule game with sophisticated actors, we show that the agenda setter obtains its most preferred policy outcome even if all lobbies and legislators prefer the status quo to the proposal (i.e., the proposal lies in the covered set). A lobby with the ability to recruit supermajorities can counterbalance this power. If contributions are conditional on the entire voting profile, such a 'transnational lobby' can veto any proposal at no cost. If contributions are conditional on the votes of each recipient legislator, the transnational lobby has only to possess a greater willingness to pay than the median national lobby to achieve this result. We use our formal model to explain external tariff policies in the European Union following the creation of an internal market.

In the context of international migration from African countries to Europe, the EU widely applies the strategy of curbing irregular migration. EU efforts focus on combating the root causes of migration and flight as well as achieving African compliance on return and re-admission. This approach ignores the interests of the countries of origin. It also undermines what countries of origin do to deal with migration in their own states. In West Africa, the regional organisation ECOWAS strongly promotes migration management, and introduced the 2008 ECOWAS Common Approach on Migration with guidelines for migration governance in the region. Ghana, as one of the first ECOWAS member states, adopted a National Migration Policy (NMP) in 2016. The country has a long history of migration, has experienced different migration trends and is affected by various streams of migration. As little is known about the country's policy responses to migration, this study investigates migration policy-making in Ghana. It specifically examines the case of the NMP for Ghana and aims at uncovering stakeholder involvement in the policy-making process as well as its determinants. Guided by an analytical framework derived from theoretical considerations of the advocacy coalition framework, the interconnection of institutions, actors and ideas and an extensive literature review, the study uses a qualitative approach. The results are based on 14 weeks of field research in Ghana in which 40 experts were interviewed. Together with an analysis of a plethora of secondary data the study finds that when deciding to get involved in the policy-making process for the NMP for Ghana, stakeholders tend to be led by their interests and the resources they possess, as these are what their power is based on. The research further reveals that the NMP does not primarily address a perceived problem related to migration within Ghana, that is to say the internal migration flows from deprived to less deprived areas. Rather it largely pursues the interests of the EU, who is the main financer of the policy, to foster migration control. The results of the study therefore suggest that in the policy formulation process for Ghana's NMP, internal interests were outweighed by the external agenda of the EU.

In the context of international migration from African countries to Europe, the EU widely applies the strategy of curbing irregular migration. EU efforts focus on combating the root causes of migration and flight as well as achieving African compliance on return and re-admission. This approach ignores the interests of the countries of origin. It also undermines what countries of origin do to deal with migration in their own states. In West Africa, the regional organisation ECOWAS strongly promotes migration management, and introduced the 2008 ECOWAS Common Approach on Migration with guidelines for migration governance in the region. Ghana, as one of the first ECOWAS member states, adopted a National Migration Policy (NMP) in 2016. The country has a long history of migration, has experienced different migration trends and is affected by various streams of migration. As little is known about the country's policy responses to migration, this study investigates migration policy-making in Ghana. It specifically examines the case of the NMP for Ghana and aims at uncovering stakeholder involvement in the policy-making process as well as its determinants. Guided by an analytical framework derived from theoretical considerations of the advocacy coalition framework, the interconnection of institutions, actors and ideas and an extensive literature review, the study uses a qualitative approach. The results are based on 14 weeks of field research in Ghana in which 40 experts were interviewed. Together with an analysis of a plethora of secondary data the study finds that when deciding to get involved in the policy-making process for the NMP for Ghana, stakeholders tend to be led by their interests and the resources they possess, as these are what their power is based on. The research further reveals that the NMP does not primarily address a perceived problem related to migration within Ghana, that is to say the internal migration flows from deprived to less deprived areas. Rather it largely pursues the interests of the EU, who is the main financer of the policy, to foster migration control. The results of the study therefore suggest that in the policy formulation process for Ghana's NMP, internal interests were outweighed by the external agenda of the EU.

In the context of international migration from African countries to Europe, the EU widely applies the strategy of curbing irregular migration. EU efforts focus on combating the root causes of migration and flight as well as achieving African compliance on return and re-admission. This approach ignores the interests of the countries of origin. It also undermines what countries of origin do to deal with migration in their own states. In West Africa, the regional organisation ECOWAS strongly promotes migration management, and introduced the 2008 ECOWAS Common Approach on Migration with guidelines for migration governance in the region. Ghana, as one of the first ECOWAS member states, adopted a National Migration Policy (NMP) in 2016. The country has a long history of migration, has experienced different migration trends and is affected by various streams of migration. As little is known about the country's policy responses to migration, this study investigates migration policy-making in Ghana. It specifically examines the case of the NMP for Ghana and aims at uncovering stakeholder involvement in the policy-making process as well as its determinants. Guided by an analytical framework derived from theoretical considerations of the advocacy coalition framework, the interconnection of institutions, actors and ideas and an extensive literature review, the study uses a qualitative approach. The results are based on 14 weeks of field research in Ghana in which 40 experts were interviewed. Together with an analysis of a plethora of secondary data the study finds that when deciding to get involved in the policy-making process for the NMP for Ghana, stakeholders tend to be led by their interests and the resources they possess, as these are what their power is based on. The research further reveals that the NMP does not primarily address a perceived problem related to migration within Ghana, that is to say the internal migration flows from deprived to less deprived areas. Rather it largely pursues the interests of the EU, who is the main financer of the policy, to foster migration control. The results of the study therefore suggest that in the policy formulation process for Ghana's NMP, internal interests were outweighed by the external agenda of the EU.

The article addresses the features of the «migration crisis» in Britain, the signs of which began manifesting itself almost as soon the country had left the EU in 2020. It is exactly the reduction of net migration that could, as the Brexiters hoped, score some points, in the eyes of the public and politically, that the withdrawal from the EU brought about positive changes due to the cessation of participation in the European Single market. In fact, one of the keynote campaign slogans – «take back control» – was never implemented, having morphed into the task of «stop the boats». The unprecedented increase in the number of illegal migrants was provoked both by imperfect asylum policies, unprepared for new challenges, and by legal gaps in the cooperation with the EU in terms of readmission and combating human trafficking. The author examines the government's response to the «migration crisis» in two aspects. Firstly, the article looks into the changes the governments led by Johnson and Sunak, respectively, proposed to the migration legislation. An increasingly harder line on the asylum rules has become a trigger for public debate and internal party struggle, but also for legal proceedings. Secondly, the migration issue has become an important item on the international agenda of London. The government's attempts to find reliable and legally defensible mechanisms for the removal of irregular migrants, including agreements with Rwanda to resettle asylum seekers, come into conflict with new political and legal arrangements with the EU and international humanitarian law, and adversely affect Britain's image as a responsible international actor. It is concluded that the fight against illegal migration has become a top priority of socio-political discussions and the most important task for the Conservative Party ahead of the 2024 general elections.

THE AUTHORS EXAMINE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE COURT AND HEW'S OFFICE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS TO ILLUSTRATE THE EFFECTS OF LEGAL EFFORTS TO GENERATE MORE VIGOROUS AGENCY ENFORCEMENT. OPPONENTS OF RACIAL AND SEX DISCRIMINATION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS WON A SERIES OF SUITS AGAINST OCR AFTER IT HAD CEASED TO EFFECTIVELY IMPLEMENT ANTI-DISCRIMINATION LEGISLATION. OCR'S DISCRETIONARY POWERS HAVE BEEN CURTAILED.

The authors examine the relationship between the courts and HEW's Office for Civil Rights (OCR), to illustrate the effects of legal efforts to generate more vigorous agency enforcement. Opponents of racial and sex discrimination in public schools won a series of suits against OCR after it had ceased to effectively implement anti‐discrimination legislation. As a result of court decisions, OCR has had its discretion over how it will carry out its legislative responsibilities curtailed.

In 2010, after several years of being stalled, negotiations between MERCOSUR (the Common Market of the Southern Cone) and the European Union (EU) to build a free-trade agreement (FTA) were resumed. This FTA is expected to have an important impact on MERCOSUR economies, especially if both blocs reach an agreement regarding the agricultural sector. This paper analyzes the impact of an FTA between MERCOSUR and EU, with a special focus on distributional impacts on Uruguay. For this we apply an improved version of MIRAGE (Modeling International Relationships in Applied General Equilibrium) with household heterogeneity. The representative agent in the standard version of the MIRAGE model is decomposed into a private and a public agent for all regions, and into a high number of households for Uruguay. Results show that a trade agreement between MERCOSUR and EU would have a significant impact on trade flows between both blocs. MERCOSUR economies would increase agriculture exports to EU and industrial imports from EU. Welfare increases in all countries participating in the agreement but is more pronounced for the two small countries of MERCOSUR: Paraguay and Uruguay. In Uruguay, welfare increases for different categories of households, but the richest households benefit the most. In spite of this, inequality decreases as a consequence of the agreement, and poverty rates decrease throughout the country. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; Theme 2; Subtheme 2.1; GRP2 ; MTID

In the last decades, Argentina has tried to find new options of external relations that allow the country to diminish its dependency from traditional markets such as the Brazilian, the European or the North American. In this context, non-traditional markets have gained relevance in the external commercial agenda of Argentina. That situation becomes evident in the different initiatives carried out towards South East Asia (SEA).The objective of this article is to analyze Argentina's foreign policy towards Vietnam, taking into account the political-diplomatic and economic-commercial aspects, being the Asian country one of the main trade partners in the region as well as one of the most dynamic economies since 2000. Its relevance lays in the fact that Vietnam's participation in the Argentinean exports has grown, as well as the diverse governmental initiatives that are carried on byboth sides; official visits, trade missions and agreements. They seek to deepen and expand the relationships between those two countries.The analysis is centered from 2006 —when a sustain export growth began— until 2015. It describes the political and commercial events and analyzes the factors that have influenced new relations. Our main assumption is that the bilateral relations have been guided by commercial issues and that the foreign policy's actions have accompanied such impetus. The research's design is descriptive and the methodology qualitative. Our objective is to describe and analyze foreign policy's actions. The research has been based, mainly, on secondary sources and the technique has been the documentary analysis and data triangulation. As a conclusion, it can be said that Vietnam has a great potentiality as a partner of Argentina. Nevertheless, the asymmetrical trade relation —with a surplus for Argentina— leads to a commercial axis that keeps on being the bases of the links between countries. Even though Argentina has an interest towards Vietnam, its actions will not be enough if Argentina seeks a diversification and an autonomous international insertion. ; Argentina ha intentado encontrar, en las últimas décadas, nuevas opciones de vinculación externa que le permitan disminuir su dependencia de mercados tradicionales como el brasilero, el europeo o el norteamericano. En este contexto, los mercados no tradicionales adquirieron una mayor relevancia dentro de su agenda comercial externa, evidenciándose a partir de distintas iniciativas como las llevadas a cabo hacia el Sudeste de Asia (SEA).El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la política exterior argentina hacia Vietnam en los aspectos político-diplomático y económico-comercial, siendo este uno de los principales socios comerciales en la región asiática y una de sus economías más dinámica desde 2000. Su relevancia radica en que su participación en las exportaciones argentinas ha ido en aumento y en las diversas iniciativas gubernamentales de ambas partes —visitas oficiales, misiones comerciales, acuerdos—, para profundizar y expandir los vínculos. El análisis se centró desde 2006 —cuando comienza un crecimiento sostenido de las exportaciones— hasta 2015, haciendo un recuento de los eventos políticos y comerciales y analizando aquellos factores que han influido en dicho relacionamiento. El supuesto central es que las relaciones se han guiado por el eje comercial y las acciones de política exterior han acompañado dicho impulso. El diseño metodológico es descriptivo y la metodología cualitativa, con el objetivo de describir y analizar las acciones de política exterior. Se basa en fuentes principalmente secundarias, y la técnica ha sido la de análisis documental y la triangulación de datos. Como conclusión, puede indicarse que Vietnam tiene una gran potencialidad como socio de Argentina, pero la relación comercial asimétrica —superavitaria para Argentina— produce que el eje comercial siga siendo el rector de las vinculaciones. Aunque hay un interés hacia Vietnam, las acciones demuestran ser insuficientes si Argentina busca una diversificación e inserción internacional más autónoma.

CONTENIDO Presentación. Alvarez de Flores, Raquel y Otero Silva, Marlene Artículos Nuevo regionalismo: cómo la globalización reordena los tres mundos en desarrollo.The new regionalism: how globalization reorders the three worlds of development. Reynolds, Clark W. Globalización, integración regional, fronteras y movimientos laborales.Globalisation, regional economic integration, boundaries and organised labour. Linares de Gómez, Rosalba Modelos de desarrollo y estrategias de integración en América Latina: una revisión crítica.Developement models and integration strategies in Latin America: a critical review. Briceño Ruiz, José y Alvarez de Flores, Raquel El aferrarse juntos: la ambiciosa agenda externa del Mercosur, su crisis interna y el futuro de la integración económica regional en América del Sur.Clinging together: mercosur's ambitious external agenda, its internal crisis, and the future of regional economic integration in South America. Carranza, Mario E. El sector agropecuario mexicano: un quinquenio con el tratado de libre comercio de norteamérica. La pobreza y la desigualdad se intensifican, crece la migración.The Mexican agricultural sector: five years of the North America free trade agreement. The poverty and the inequality intensify, migration grows. Puyana, Alicia; Horbath, Jorge y Romero, José Opinión pública y legitimidad democrática de la Unión.Public opinion and democratic legitimacy in the European Union. Otero Silva, Marlene Reseña Roy, Joaquín; Chanona, Alejandro y Domínguez, Roberto: La unión europea y el TLCAN. integración regional comparada y relaciones mutuas. Reseñado por: Briceño Ruiz, José ; 89-121 ; kfmec02@tamuk.edu ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

Where does the balance of power lie in a policy-making institution with an external agenda setter, legislators, and lobbies? In a multiple round majority rule game with sophisticated actors, we show that the agenda setter obtains its most preferred policy outcome even if all lobbies and legislators prefer the status quo to the proposal (i.e., the proposal lies in the covered set). A lobby with the ability to recruit supermajorities can counterbalance this power. If contributions are conditional on the entire voting profile, such a 'transnational lobby' can veto any proposal at no cost. If contributions are conditional on the votes of each recipient legislator, the transnational lobby has only to possess a greater willingness to pay than the median national lobby to achieve this result. We use our formal model to explain external tariff policies in the European Union following the creation of an internal market.