Suchergebnisse

Fil: Torre, Iván. Universidad de San Andrés. Departamento de Economía; Argentina. ; Los debates públicos entre candidatos durante la campaña electoral son una práctica común en la mayoría de las democracias modernas. Al día de hoy los determinantes de esta práctica no están claros al comparar entre países: si bien académicos han estudiado la decisión individual que lleva a un candidato a participar o no en un debate, poco se sabe sobre qué es lo que hace más probable que estos debates se celebren en un país o en otro. En este trabajo me focalizo en el rol de la tecnología de los medios de comunicación y estudio la relación entre los debates electorales y la penetración de la televisión. Para llevar adelante este estudio construí una base inédita que registra cuándo se realizaron debates electorales para la posición ejecutiva más alta en 32 países democráticos en el período 1945-2008. Encuentro que la penetración de la televisión está positivamente asociada con una mayor probabilidad de celebrar debates electorales, aunque esta relación es no-lineal: existe un umbral –alrededor de 27 televisores cada 100 habitantes- que aumenta enormemente la probabilidad de que dicha práctica se lleve a cabo. Chequeo la solidez de las estimaciones verificando si las características institucionales del país tienen un efecto y encuentro que la relación entre la penetración de la televisión y los debates electorales es particularmente importante para aquellos países cuyas instituciones tienen origen en el derecho anglosajón. ; Public debates between candidates during electoral campaigns are a common feature of most modern democracies. The drivers of this practice are not well understood in a cross-country setting: whilst researchers have studied the individual decision that drives a candidate to engage or not in such debate, little is known about what makes some countries more prone to hold this type of political events than others. In this paper I focus on the role of media technology by studying the relationship between electoral debates and the penetration of television. To do so, I built a unique database that registers the timing of electoral debates for the highest executive position in 32 democratic countries for the period 1945-2008. I find that, indeed, increased TV penetration is positively associated with a higher probability of holding electoral debates, although this relationship is non-linear: there is a threshold –around 27 TV sets per 100 inhabitants- which increases dramatically the probability of such event happening. I check the robustness of the estimates by looking at whether institutional characteristics have an effect and find that the relationship between TV penetration and electoral debates is particularly important for countries whose institutions trace to Common Law. ; Galiani, Sebastián

"This Handbook is the first major work to comprehensively map state-of-the-art scholarship on electoral debates in comparative perspective. Leading scholars and practitioners from around the world introduce a core theoretical and conceptual framework to understand this phenomenon and point to promising directions for new research on the evolution of electoral debates and the practical considerations that different country-level experiences can offer. Three indicators to help analyze electoral debates inform this Handbook: the level of experience of each country in the realization of electoral debates; geopolitical characteristics linked to political influence; and democratic stability and electoral competitiveness. Chapters with examples from the Americas, Europe, Africa and the Middle East, Asia and Oceania add richness to the volume. Each chapter: Traces local historical, constitutive relationships between traditional forms of electoral debates and contexts of their emergence; Compares and critiques different perspectives regarding the function of debates on democracy; Probes, discusses and evaluates recent and emergent theoretical resources related to campaign debates in light of a particular local experience; Explores and assesses new or neglected local approaches to electoral debates in a changing media landscape where television is no longer the dominant form of political communication; Provides a prospective analysis regarding the future challengers for electoral debates. The Routledge International Handbook on Electoral Debates will set the agenda for scholarship on the political communication for years to come"--

In Spain, children are not an audience to which politicians directly address their actions, but they do have information about candidates and electoral processes.We propose a review of the information handled by children in early childhood and primary education during the election campaigns, and the sources from the private sphere (the family), the social sphere (the media) or the educational sphere – the school and its teachers. A theoretical framework revising education legislation, electoral laws and those aimed at protecting childrenchildren, given their characteristics as recipients of communicative messages in general and electoral messages in particular, and the inclusion of these tools in the appropriate content and knowledge of the education analysed. ; En España, la infancia no es un público al que los políticos dirijan directamente sus acciones, pero cuentan con información sobre candidatos y procesos electorales.Proponemos una revisión de la información manejada por los alumnos de Educación Infantil y Primaria durante las campañas electorales, y la procedencia desde el ámbito privado –la familia-, social –medios de comunicación- o educativo – la escuela y sus maestros.Un marco teórico que revisa la legislación educativa, las leyes electorales y aquellas que tienen como objeto la protección a los menores, habida cuenta sus características como receptores de mensajes comunicativos en general y, electorales, en particular, así como la inclusión de estas herramientas en los contenidos y conocimientos adecuados de la enseñanza analizada

Findings of an exploration of the nature & effects of the campaign debates held in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1972 indicate that the debates were bruising personal battles that emphasized issues & ethics. While they did not have any direct effects on either candidate perceptions or issue salience, there is evidence that they may have had some important indirect effects on the electorate's ultimate voting choices. 5 Tables. AA.

[Resumen] En el actual ecosistema mediático, uno de los principales pilares de las campañas de comunicación de los partidos políticos se centra en la aparición de los líderes políticos en televisión. La presencia y exposición de los candidatos políticos en este medio, a través de diferentes formatos informativos, de entretenimiento o de infoentretenimiento, suele atraer la atención de gran parte de la ciudadanía, más allá de la duración de la propia campaña electoral. Los debates electorales son uno de los hegemónicos formatos televisivos de carácter político que reúnen a un mayor número de espectadores debido a las características particulares de los mismos. El interés de la audiencia por este tipo de formato, sin tradición en el contexto español, ha sido notable durante los veintiséis años de retransmisiones. La evolución de la audiencia de estos programas confirma el alto grado de atención que acaparan por parte de los espectadores españoles, al alcanzar históricas cuotas de pantalla en las cadenas que los emitieron, uno de los indicadores cuantitativos unánimemente aceptados en el estudio sobre audiencias. Sin embargo, la incorporación de nuevas pantallas y canales a los debates electorales ha ampliado el tradicional escenario en el que solían desarrollarse. La actual experiencia televisiva multipantalla y la participación de la audiencia a través de plataformas como las redes sociales suponen un reto para las estrategias de comunicación de los partidos políticos y los canales de televisión, al igual que un desafío para la medición de este nuevo público, significativamente más activo y generador de contenidos. ; [Abstract] In the current media ecosystem, one of the main pillars of political party communication campaigns is focused on the appearance of political leaders on television. The presence and exposure of political candidates in this medium, across different informative formats, from entertainment to infotainment, draws the attention of a considerable section of citizens beyond the electoral campaign. The electoral debates are one of the most hegemonic television formats relating to politics, that brings together a large number of spectators. The interest of the Spanish audience in this type of format, without a historical tradition in Spain, has been remarkable to watch during the last twenty-six years of broadcasting. The evolution of the audience for these programs confirms a high level of interest by Spanish spectators and has reached historically high ratings for the networks broadcasting them, which is one of the quantitative indicators unanimously accepted as a standard in the study on audiences. However, the incorporation of new screens and channels into the electoral debates has widened the mainstream viewing scenario. The current multiscreen television experience and audience participation across platforms, such as social networks, represent a challenge for the communication strategies of political parties and television networks, as well as for measurement of this new audience, which is significantly more active, while also generating more content. ; Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades; CSO2017-83159-R

Election debates are considered the main events of election campaigns since its introduction and subsequent expansion from the United States. However, as important as the discussions themselves may be the media coverage. Framing predictions and the assumptions of gatekeeping alike affirm that the coverage of political events is often not depicted accurately, mainly due to a process of selection and framing of information. Moreover, several investigations suggest that the potential impact of debates on electoral behavior may be moderated by that media coverage, hence increasing the importance of such studies. This article shows that, indeed, this phenomenon happened in the news coverage of electoral debates by the Spanish media, marginalizing any coverage on policy proposals by the candidates and, therefore skewing its contents. To achieve this, the researcher makes a functional analysis of recent debates in the general election campaigns (two in 2008 and one in 2011 among the candidates for prime minister —presidente del Gobierno—). Subsequently that analysis is compared with the coverage of selected media outlets (TVE1, La Cuatro, Telecinco, La Sexta, El Pais, El Mundo, ABC and El Periódico). The results show not only the phenomenon of selection and framing but that there are other moderators such as the type of media outlet (TV or press) or corporation. ; Los debates electorales son considerados los eventos estrella de las campañas electorales desde su apariciónen los Estados Unidos y posterior expansión a otros sistemas democráticos. Sin embargo, tan importantecomo los propios debates, puede ser la cobertura que los diferentes medios de comunicación hacensobre los mismos. Las predicciones del framing y los supuestos del gatekeeping coinciden al señalar que lacobertura de los eventos políticos no suele representar fielmente a los mismos debido, fundamentalmente,a un proceso de selección y de encuadre de la información. Además, diversas investigaciones apuntan aque los posibles efectos de los debates sobre el comportamiento electoral pueden estar moderados por lacobertura mediática, incrementando la importancia de este tipo de estudios. El presente artículo demuestraque, efectivamente, ese fenómeno se ha dado en la cobertura informativa de los medios de televisión yprensa españoles sobre los debates electorales, marginando cualquier cobertura sobre las propuestas quelos candidatos transmitieron y, por lo tanto, sesgando su contenido. Para ello, se realiza un análisis funcionalde los últimos debates en las campañas de las elecciones generales (los dos de 2008 y el único de2011 entre los candidatos a presidente del Gobierno) que, posteriormente, se compara con la cobertura demedios de comunicación seleccionados (TVE1, Cuatro, Telecinco, La Sexta, El País, El Mundo, ABC yEl Periódico). Naturalmente, los resultados muestran no solo el fenómeno de selección y encuadre sinootros moderadores, analizados por otros investigadores, como el tipo de soporte mediático (TV o prensa)o el grupo de comunicación.

This article is concerned with Extreme Case Formulations (ECFs) (Edwards, 2000; Pomerantz, 1986) in multiple-party TV programmes in two different languages: Spanish and English. I examine the role of ECFs in Spanish pre-electoral debates and in English panel interviews. English data is 77 minutes and 58 seconds long and comprises nine different panel interviews of political, socio-political and social issues and Spanish data is 78 minutes long and includes four political pre-electoral debates. The results will disclose that the number of ECFs found in the Spanish and in the English corpora differs considerably (48 versus 81). And in relation to the type of recording, the data will reveal that a) interviewers and interviewees deployed many more ECFs in political recordings (2.8 percent) than in socio-political (1.2 percent) or social recordings (1.3 percent); and b) politicians used more ECFs (4.8 percent) than any other type of interviewees (1.5 percent).

In a news environment that falls short in covering public priorities, debates play an important role in bringing electoral politics closer to constituents. Given that political elites routinely influence campaign news through the gatekeeping process of source selection and that journalists facilitate debates, it is worth examining the indexing of elite sources in these campaign events. This study uniquely explores the routines of news professionals in debates by examining source selection. This study finds that debate questions citing exogenous sources tap political elites far more frequently than members of the public and identifies media characteristics predictive of elite indexing.

In political debates, the media[tisation] can determine the use of language with the aim to increase their spectacularisation and polarisation, possibly by means of criticism and humour, respectively. These linguistic strategies are often used in order to shape what was defined by Goffman as one's face. Politicians, in particular, can recur to facework in a double sense: shaping their own face positively and/or that of their opponents negatively. Starting from the sociologic theory of face by Goffman and Levinson, with the help of corpus analysis tools, this research investigated the ways in which various forms of criticism and forms of humour were conducted in 3 electoral debates on a national scale (Germany, Ireland, and New Zealand) and 1 debate for the municipal election in Rome. The transcripts were revised after automatic transcriptions were extracted or found online, of which the audio-visual content is available on the Internet. The CADS research aimed to investigate the role that criticism and humour played within each participant's discourse, and to identify differences and similarities among the strategies used by political leaders and moderators in different countries, and in different cultural, political, and media contexts.

In this paper, we make a comparative analysis of two pre-electoral debates belonging to two different traditions ¿ the 2011 Rajoy¿Rubalcaba debate and the first 2008 Obama¿McCain debate ¿ in terms of the manipulative processes used. For that purpose, we compare the similarities and differences in the use of the genre contributing to manipulation in the two debate traditions. Also, we identify the manipulative devices employed following Rigotti¿s (2005) coding scheme, which is complemented with those fallacies often encountered in the field of politics (van Eemeren et al. 2009; Pirie 2006; Tindale 2007). Various similarities in the use of the genre between the two debate traditions have been identified, such as in the use of strategies of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation that are inherently manipulative and that entail (de-)emphasizing Our/Their positive and Their/Our negative aspects (van Dijk 2006). The differences are related to the discursive strategies preferred, the role of the moderator in the debates, and the candidates¿ physical position in the confrontation, all of which may contribute to manipulation. Similarly, there are also similarities and differences in the candidates¿ use of manipulative processes as their strategy for winning the elections and a different preference for personal attacks and the dialectical battle.

[Resumen] Introducción: En los medios públicos, el debate electoral es de especial interés por las reglas que deben adoptar estas televisiones para cumplir con sus compromisos de servicio público y mantener los valores de diversidad, universalidad y participación. En el nuevo escenario que plantean las plataformas propias de VOD la inclusión de estos debates electorales televisados y las variaciones en su formato se plantea como un ejercicio de transparencia y un compromiso con la memoria audiovisual del país que refuerza los valores de diversidad, proximidad y universalidad representativa. Metodología: El artículo revisa de un modo comparativo el uso de este formato en siete de las principales emisoras públicas de televisión de Europa siguiendo los modelos de Hallin y Mancini y con una subdivisión regional dentro del modelo democrático-corporatista para obtener resultados con un corte étnico-político. Resultados y conclusiones: Existe una notable disparidad entre las televisiones públicas que tienen accesibles los debates electorales en sus plataformas de VOD. El análisis desvela que, a pesar de su trascendencia, los debates no se encuentran disponibles en los entornos online del medio, aunque sí son accesibles desde plataformas ajenas, principalmente YouTube. ; [Abstract] Introduction: In the public media, the electoral debate is of special interest because of the rules that these televisions must adopt to fulfill their public service commitments and maintain the values of diversity, universality, and participation. In the new scenario posed by VOD's platforms, the inclusion of these televised electoral debates and variations in their format are presented as an exercise of transparency and a commitment to the country's audiovisual memory that reinforces the values of diversity, proximity, and representative universality. Methodology: The article comparatively reviews the use of this format in seven of the main public television stations in Europe following the models of Hallin and Mancini and with a regional subdivision within the democraticcorporatist model to obtain results with an ethnical-political cut. Results and conclusions: There is a notable disparity between public televisions that have access to electoral debates on their VOD platforms. The analysis reveals that, despite its importance, the debates are not available in the online media environments, although they are accessible from third-party platforms, mainly YouTube. ; Ministerio de Ciencia , Innovación y Universidades; RTI2018-096065-B-I00