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This accessible book examines the ways in which the European community will have to adapt to cope with a potential influx of new members into the next millenium. It will be essential reading for students and practitioners of European politics.

Den "mångkulturella" samhället finns i Sverige om vi bara ser till på antalet utlandsfödda i förhållande till födda i Sverige. När vi däremotundersöker två viktiga mått på integration, sysselsättningsintegration och boendesegregation, visas tydligt att stora grupper av invandrare är marginaliserade i det svenska samhället. Sett ur detta perspektiv har den svenska integrationspolitiken misslyckats de senaste decennierna. Hur har denna situation uppkommit?Såväl invandringen som arbetsmarknadsintegrationen och boendemönstretav nyligen anlända immigranter har över tiden fått en förändrad karaktär. Majoriteten av invandrarna som kom till Sverige under de förstadecennierna efter andra världskriget var från de nordiska och de andra europeiska länderna. Invandrarna kom huvudsakligen på grund av ekonomiska skäl. I Sverige ändrades invandringspolitiken under slutet av1960-talet till stor del som en följd av påtryckningar från fackföreningsrörelsen(LO). En relativt liberal politik ersattes med en mer restriktiv politik som begränsade fri arbetskraftsinvandring från de icke-nordiskaländerna.Under senare delen av 1900-talet har interna konflikter, krig och geopolitiska förändringar lett till ett ökat antal flyktingar i världen. Invandringspolitiken gentemot flyktingar och familjeåterförening var fortfarande relativt liberal i Sverige under denna period. Detta innebar att de flesta invandrare som kom till Sverige på 1970-talet, men framförallt under1980- och 1990-talen var flyktingar från Östeuropa och icke-europeiska länder och familjer från tidigare invandrade flyktingar och arbetskraftsinvandrare.Statistiken visar att familjeåterförenare och flyktingar står för vardera hälften av dem som har fått uppehållstillstånd de senaste decennierna.Den ekonomiska krisen under första halvan av 1990-talet samt den dramatiska ökningen av asylsökare under samma period gjorde att flyktingpolitikenskärptes. Sveriges integrationspolitik förändrades också med tiden och är sedanmitten av 1970-talet baserad på kulturell pluralism och på ...

What are the long-term differences in the propensity of immigrants to acquire destination country citizenship under different institutional contexts and how do these vary between migrant groups? This article draws on micro-level longitudinal data from administrative registers in Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden-three countries with widely different and changing requirements for the acquisition of citizenship-to track the naturalization propensity of eight complete migrant cohorts (1994-2001) up to 21 years after migration. We find that after two decades in the destination country, cumulative naturalization rates vary remarkably with over 80 per cent of migrants in Sweden, two-thirds in the Netherlands, and only around a third in Denmark having acquired citizenship. We observe lower rates and delayed naturalization for migrants, especially among those with lower levels of education, after language requirements and integration tests were introduced in Denmark and the Netherlands. Dual citizenship acceptance in the Netherlands and Sweden, by contrast, is associated with durably higher citizenship acquisition rates, especially, among migrants from EU and highly developed countries. These findings highlight the long-term but conditional relevance of citizenship policy for immigrant naturalization.

Nordiska Ministerrådet bedriver under 2004-2006 ett nordiskt samprojekt som syftar till att bidra till integrering av ett köns- och jämställdhetsperspektiv i nordisk ekonomisk politik. Den här exempelsamlingen har författats inom ramen för detta projekt. Exempelsamlingen beskriver ett antal nordiska jämställdhetsanalyser och dess bidrag till förståelse för hur jämställdheten ser ut inom olika områden. Vidare förs en diskussion kring ekonomisk styrning och jämställdhet, därutöver exemplifieras ett antal metoder som använts i norden och internationellt för att genomföra jämställdhetsanalyser, några av dessa med ett könsperspektiv på resursfördelningen. Syftet med exempelsamlingen är att bidra till diskussionen kring metodutveckling för integrering av ett jämställdhetsperspektiv i de statliga budgetprocesserna. Intentionen är att den ska bidra positivt till utvecklingen av ett tydligt köns- och jämställdhetsperspektiv i budgetarbetet. The Nordic Council of Ministers is conducting a Nordic cooperation project between 2004-2006 with the intention to contribute to the integration of a gender and equality perspective into Nordic financial policy. This is a compilation of examples gathered as part of the project. The book describes a number of Nordic gender equality analyses and their contribution to understanding equality within different sectors. Furthermore, it provides the basis for a discussion about gender responsive budgeting, including examples of a number of methods that are used in the Nordic countries and internationally.

"The scope and extent of Europeanization among the member states of the European Union is all too often exaggerated by scholars of European integration. It has long been assumed that the mere existence of mechanisms designed to promote commonality between countries in the EU and to encourage a collective European identity has given credence to the idea of Europeanization and how effectively it has infiltrated EU member states. In stark contrast to the assumed success of these mechanisms in promoting Europeanization, recent studies have shown that, in the main, both domestic socio-economic as well as normative structures have proved resilient to this process. Through a compelling exploration of the relationship between European integration and Europeanization, this collection provides important insights into the disconnect between efforts to promote commonality and collective European identity and the ambivalent results of Europeanization at the socio-economic and normative structures of member states."--

The smart specialisation approach is becoming a strategic instrument for identifying regions' opportunities for growth and sustainable development. It is a place-based approach and plays an important role in benchmarking regional competitiveness. To have a smart specialisation strategy has been thought of as a key factor in making a choice for investment. Smart specialisation strategies represent a policy measure to overcome disorganised and weak parallel activities in developed EU countries and offer support to those areas that have research, technological and production capacity to carry out particular activities. Smart specialisation strategies, therefore, follow the socio-economic situation in countries and their integrated technological, institutional and business processes. The EU Member States and regions recognised that supporting a limited number of well-identified priorities for knowledge-based investments and/or clusters could advance, focusing on competitive assets and realistic growth capabilities reinforced by a critical mass of action and entrepreneurial resources. However, the role of culture and cultural heritage has not been significant in these processes. As the policy review revealed that circular economy should be considered as a broader sustainable development strategy, which should also "support Member States and regions to strengthen innovation for the circular economy through smart specialisations", the purpose of this paper is to lay a basis for a new, stronger complementarity between culture, cultural heritage and adaptive reuse practices, and circular economy concepts through smart specialisation strategies.

Sweden as the great welfare state where everybody is equally welcomed and cared for has for long been the prevailing view. Although Swedish integration policy seems to confirm this view, this is far removed from many people's experienced reality. I argue that part of this disharmony lies in how West European languages contain and relate to an 'identity' construction, which perpetuates and is perpetuated through dichotomies that strengthen the social and political cogency of concepts such as 'race', ethnicity and culture. Based on this, I carry out a discourse analysis of Sweden's major integration policy documents from the mid 1970s up to today. After an eclectic reading of discourses on migration and integration terminology, 'identity' and language, I assert the centrality of 'identity' construction to everything we do. With this in mind, taking the dialogism promoted by the Bakhtinian Circle as the dichotomy to monologism, I carry out a close dialogic reading in the tradition of Lynn Pearce (1994) and Peter Stallybrass and Allon White (1986). Contextualising the policy documents, I present the history of migration and integration from a Swedish perspective. Focusing on the last five decades, I divide the different historic tendencies into themes ranging from: emigration to labour migration, refugee migration and the European Union, and from immigrant policy to integration policy. Believing that the conceptualisation and the handling of categorisation, segregation, culture, discrimination and racism are all central to a successful integration policy, I analyse the policy documents thematically accordingly. I show how the interdependence of the common 'identity' constructions and language sometimes obscures and frequently counteracts the intention of the author. As a result, I argue that the Bakhtinian Circle holds the key to a better understanding of the invincibility of stereotyping within racialised discourses, through applying absolute 'identity' constructions in monologic speech, and how this may be counteracted in order to strive for a dialogic approach to the world.

The increase in immigration has been especially large since 2000 driven in part by several expansions of the European Union. At the same time, some of the Nordic countries have been the destination of large numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. While there has been increased immigration into the Nordic countries, there has been also population decline and rapid population ageing in the remote rural regions, outside of the large urban centres. This publication reports on the outcomes of a project which addresses regional and local practices on integration of labour migrants and refugees in six rural areas across the Nordic countries. The project was commissioned by the Nordic Working Group on Demography and Welfare under the Nordic Council of Ministers' Committee of Senior Officials for Regional Policy, and carried out by Nordregio.

Introduction / Anders Åslund and Marek Dąbrowski -- Has Europe lost its heart? / Charles Wyplosz -- Economic implications of the social provisions of the stalled EU constitution / Georges de Ménil -- Fiscal policy and fiscal rules in the European Union / Vito Tanzi -- Design and implementation of the Stability and Growth Pact: the perspective of new member states / Fabrizio Coricelli -- Perspective on the Lisbon strategy: how to increase European competitiveness / Daniel Gros -- Is Europe reforming? Evidence from cross-country structural indicators / Patrick Lenain -- Recovery growth as a stage of post-socialist transition / Yegor T. Gaidar -- Comparative oligarchy: Russia, Ukraine and the United States / Anders Åslund -- The economic rationale of the "European neighborhood policy" / Susanne Milcher, Ben Slay, and Mark Collins -- Economic integration of Eurasia: opportunities and challenges of global significance / Johannes F. Linn and David Tiomkin.

"The African Union (AU), a continental organization that comprises every African state except Morocco, is a pioneering undertaking. Its ambitious aim is to integrate all member states, with the ultimate goal of forming the United States of Africa. Despite several attempts to build a union, the AU has remained an intergovernmental organization, with one reason being a perceived unwillingness of the AU states to pool their national sovereignties. This study seeks to comprehend why Africa's integration process has not moved toward a supranational organization, using a novel approach. It shifts the usual perspective away from the organization level and provides the first comprehensive and systematic analysis of the AU from the perspective of the states themselves"--Page 4 of cover