Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Contents -- List of figures -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction -- 2 From utopia to dystopia -- 3 From the emergent to the mainstream: The cycle of discursive power -- 4 Emergent media in post-revolutionary Tunisia and Egypt: A study of the blogosphere -- 5 Mass media campaigning on Twitter: Egypt and the 2012 presidential election -- 6 Making sense of the revolution: Debating online over the 2012 Egyptian constitution -- 7 Looking back at the revolution: Gathering impressions from the field after the 2013 military coup -- 8 The agenda of global security and its implication for independent media -- 9 Lebanon: Before, during and after the 2019 revolution -- 10 Conclusion: The media as a bridge between the political theory and political praxis of the revolution -- Appendices -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

For decades, the United States has funded democracy promotion programs in the Middle East to little avail. Delta Democracy: Pathways to Incremental Civic Revolution in Egypt and Beyond argues that there is another way forward for US democracy aid. Drawing upon the author's ethnographic research on Egypt's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the wake of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Delta Democracy uncovers the strategies that local NGOs used to incrementally build a more democratic and just society. As it takes the reader inside the walls of Egypt's NGOs, the book illuminates local activists' perspectives on democracy in Egypt and reveals how savvy organizations promoted it as they navigated rapidly evolving opportunities and constraints in the years following the uprisings.

Contemporary interest in the so-called 'Arab Spring' extends beyond the study of constitutional law or the field of legal studies more generally. One cross-cutting topic that has attracted the attention of jurists and non-jurists alike is the wave of constitutional changes that have accompanied the revolts that have occurred in many Arab countries since 2010. This scholarship generally either discusses constitutional changes in one country in particular or situates it within wider regional or international context. This paper focuses upon Egypt's "semi-presidential government", it draws upon scholarship that has been produced by both lawyers and non-lawyers. Specific emphasis will be placed upon constitutional articles that were introduced or re-confirmed, and which are essential preconditions if a system of government is to be considered semi-presidential. In addition, the article will also focus upon the question of how this constitution and regime impact upon the separation of powers, the rule of law and associated rights and freedoms.

The essential read for the ambitious student.

The Arab Uprisings of 2010 and 2011 had a profound effect on labor politics in the region, with trade unions mobilizing to an extent never before seen. How did these formerly quiescent trade unions become militant? What linkages did they make to other social forces during and after the revolutions? And why did Tunisian unions emerge cohesive and influential while Egyptian unions were fractured and lacked influence? Following extensive interviews, Ian M. Hartshorn answers these questions and assesses how unions forged alliances, claimed independence, and cooperated with international groups. Looking at institutions both domestically and internationally, he traces the corporatist collapse and the role of global labor in offering training and new possibilities for disgruntled workers. With special attention to the relationship with rising Islamist powers, he also examines the ways in which political parties tried to use labor, and vice versa, and provides a detailed study of the role of labor in ousting the first Islamist governments

This book examines the role of artists in Egypt during the 2011 revolution, when street art from graffiti to political murals became ubiquitous facets of revolutionary spaces. Through interviews, personal testimonies, and accounts of the lived experience of 25 street artists, the book explores the meaning of art in revolutionary political contexts, specifically by focusing on artistic production during 'liminal' moments as the events of the Egyptian revolution unfolded. The author privileges the perspective of the actors themselves to examine the ways that artists reacted to events and conceived of their art as means to further the goals of the revolution. Based on fieldwork conducted in the years since 2011, the book provides a narrative of Egyptian artists' participation in and representations of the revolution, from hopeful beginnings to the subsequent crackdown and election of al-Sisi

[cat] Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d'una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l'explotació d'aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s'evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l'hora d'assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys els llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU. ; [eng] With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections. The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.

With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections. The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman. ; Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d'una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que ...

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the drivers, mobilizational tactics and manoeuvrings of informal, youth‐led initiatives that emerged in post‐Mubarak Egypt to counter the growing threat of sexual violence against women in public spaces. The findings are based on empirical research into youth‐led activism against gender‐based violence during 2011‒2013. The approach adopted is a case study of three initiatives, Bassma (Imprint), Shoft Taharosh (Harassment Seen) and Opantish (Operation Anti Sexual Harassment). Informal youth‐based initiatives in the context of the post‐January 2011 uprising have generally been criticized for their lack of sustainability, organizationally and politically. However, the examination of activism against gender‐based vio‐lence through the lens of prefigurative politics shows the inherent value of experimentation and its contribution to innovations in public outreach. The value of the initiatives studied in this article also lies in their mobilizational power which inadvertently produces 'repertoires' of knowledge, skills and resources to engage the citizenry and capture their imagination. In the long run, such repertoires may allow for the emergence of organized and sustained forms of political agency. The article suggests that a cross‐fertilization of prefigurative and contentious politics offers a framework for understanding temporally‐ and spatially‐bound forms of collective political agency.

PurposeThis study aims to investigate the nature of the relationship between the state and civil society after the 2011 uprising.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopted Mygdal's approach to analyze the relationship between the state and civil society and identify their ability to control the rules of the political game. The study also draws on the theoretical framework of the hypotheses introduced by a number of scholars on the forms of potential relations between the state and civil society, and the impact of these forms on advancing the process of democratization.FindingsThis study argues that despite some important changes in favor of civil societyvis-à-visthe state, it is too early to conclude that a dramatic change has occurred in this relationship, due to a discernable unbalanced power in favor of the state. The state revealed after 2011 that these organizations acted against the state's stability and against its fundamentals.Originality/valueTo the best of the author's knowledge, this research is the first to study the relationship between the state and the civil society in Egypt after 2011 events.

Globalisation forces all countries to become more competitive by shifting capital and labour to new economic sectors. However, while it is widely accepted today that proactive industrial policies are needed for such structural change, there is disagreement to what extent low and middle-income countries are also able to design and implement such policies without ending up with perverse incentives for investors and bureaucrats, the creation of rents and less allocative efficiency. This discussion paper looks at the experience of Egypt with industrial policies during President Mubarak's last years in office. The country is a particularly interesting case to be studied because it looks back to a long history of very top-down industrial policies, while the last government before the revolution, which had been appointed by Mubarak 2004, embarked on a very different, much more market friendly course. The question is thus whether this government, which included a considerable number of big business people, was better able to promote structural change and thereby economic competitiveness without favouring well-connected groups of entrepreneurs at the expense of others. The paper argues that Egypt's new industrial policy adopted after 2004 was in fact less interventionist, selective and redistributive than earlier ones and oriented more towards demand, and that it boosted foreign direct investment, exports and economic growth. But this growth was neither pro-poor nor sustainable; it was mainly based on short-term effects and the export of primary goods rather than structural change and innovation. The new government was able to improve entrepreneurs' access to finance, simplify tax rates and procedures and cut away red tape. But it did not succeed in raising the technology contents of Egyptian exports, firms' business sophistication and technology absorption, and the level of applied research and innovation. The main reason for this failure is that the business men in office apparently did not understand that many small and medium enterprises face very other problems than themselves and that the causes of these problems are too fundamental to be relieved just by a change in economic policies. These causes include significant deficits in the quality of education and training in Egypt, in the rule of law, in the transparency and fairness of administrative and judicial procedures, in private sector representation and in the availability of affordable land for production. In addition, the government missed to help overcome failures in the coordination of investors that typically prevent structural change.