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This article describes some reasons that initiated protest movements in Russia and Egypt in 2011. The author thinks that the conflict in the political elite made was an important background that made thousands of people take to the streets of the cities. Russian and Egyptian political systems, that seem to be so different, had much in common in fact: hidden struggle between conservative «people of force» and liberals. The situation was aggravated by the coming elections and consequences of the international economic crisis. The research is based on Russian and Egyptian Media materials.

Women have been at the forefront of protest movements in Arab revolts, and whilst their activism has been the subject of a growing body of scholarly work, there is a paucity of literature on their exposure to sexual assault during demonstrations. This article is an empirical study of the increasing politicization of sexual assault in Egypt's transition between March 2011 and June 2013, which seeks to contribute to the broader literature on sexual violence in contexts that are politically tumultuous and polarized but are not technically 'at war'. It draws on the literature on rape as a weapon of war without isolating sexual aggression in protest spaces from the continuum of gender-based violence that is socially, politically and legally embedded in the context of Egypt. The article argues that a number of factors if analysed individually suggest there is no difference in the dynamics of sexual violence in protest and non-protest spaces, however, when taken as a constellation of factors, they suggest a pattern that is politically driven, in particular, when their commissioning and targeting are commensurate with the political deployment of sexual violence identified in the rape as a weapon of war literature.

Hopkins, Nicholas S.: Preface: political and social protest in Egypt. - S. 1-5 Springborg, Robert: Protest against a hybrid state: words without meaning? - S. 6-18 Booth, Marilyn: Exploding into the seventies: Ahmad Fu'ad Nigm, Sheikh Imam, and the aesthetics of a new youth politics. - S. 19-44 Saiyid, Mustafa Kamil as-: Kefaya at a turning point. - S. 45-59 Bernard-Maugiron, Nathalie: Judges as reform advocates: a lost battle? - S. 60-84 Bush, Ray: When "enough" is not enough: resistance during accumulation by dispossession. - S. 85-99 Clément, Françoise: Worker protests under economic liberalization in Egypt. - S. 100-116 Mahdi, Rabab el-: A feminist movement in Egypt? - S. 117-134 Soliman, Samer: The radical turn of Coptic activism: path to democracy or to sectarian politics? - S. 135-154 Naguib, Sameh: The Muslim brotherhood: contradictions and transformations. - S. 155-174

The influence of religion on politics is inherent not only to the Islamic world, however, none of political theorist should ignore the role of Islam in Muslims' public life, its impact on the policies of Muslim nations and the global geopolitical situation. Due to its historical uniqueness Modern Islam is not only a religion but also a way of life for the vast majority of Muslims and the basis of their civilizational and even national self-identification. Therefore, the role of religion in the Muslim world is different to that of countries, mostly populated by Christians, as Christianity is legally separated from the system of public administration in European countries. Islam, on the other hand, regulates not only the sociocultural sphere of society, including human relations, but also significantly affects the socio-political life of many Muslim countries, where Islamist movements have now become the major part this sphere.In Egypt, where authoritarian secular regime of Hosni Mubarak was overthrown during the revolution, Islamists took the lead in the protest movement, won the first democratic elections and used the opportunity to lead the country after nearly 60 years of underground activity. This paper examines the influence of the religious factor on the change of Egypt's political regime in 2011-2013 by conceptualizing the terms of "political Islam" and "Islamic fundamentalism." The author concludes that the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party should not be defined as "fundamentalists" because: 1. they don't try to return to a "righteous caliphate," Sharia, and a literal perception of the sacred texts; 2. the Brothers could not be viewed as the most conservative force among Islamists, while Salafists are properly rightly considered to be; 3. the association is considered as a part of moderate Islamism, an ideology that does not mandate any the use of armed methods of struggle. At the same time, the author argues that owing to the fact that Egyptian "Muslim Brotherhood" adhered to moderate Islamism as an ideological party basis, it became a decisive reason that provided them a venue at the top tier of the government in 2011-2013.

The article suggests a theoretical framework to analyze the impact of protest publics on the mechanism of political changes. An analysis of protests in Egypt and Turkey shows the non-linear nature of the political changes. It also highlights different roles that the protest publics could play in the mechanism of political changes: depending on the prevailing conditions and the actions of other actors, protest publics can build coalitions with other actors and provide democratic changes ("triggers" of democratic development) or protest publics can provide democratic alternative by developing democratic practices of civil participation. This trend is marginal, though, comparing with the dominant tendency towards strengthening of authoritarian regimes ("democratic innovators in authoritarian environment)." Authors raise further research questions of modeling the mechanisms of political changes in the conditions of the growing wave of democratization – in embedded democracies, as well as in consolidated democracies, in hybrid and authoritarian regimes, – on the one hand, and the crisis of traditional democratic institutions – representative democracy, political parties – on the other. ; Данная статья предлагает теоретическую базу для анализа влияния протестной публики на механизмы политических изменений. Анализ протестов в Египте и Турции показывает нелинейный характер политических изменений. Он также выдвигает на первый план различные позиции, которые протестная публика в этих странах может потенциально занимать в механизме политических изменений: в зависимости от условий и действий других субъектов, протестная публика может создавать коалиции с другими участниками и обеспечить демократические перемены (т.е. являться «триггером» демократического развития) или же обеспечивать демократическую альтернативу путем развития демократической практики гражданского участия. Хотя эта тенденция и незначительная по сравнению с доминирующей тенденцией к усилению авторитарных режимов («демократических новаторов в авторитарной среде»). Авторы поднимают дальнейшие исследовательские вопросы моделирования механизмов политических изменений в условиях растущей волны демократизации – в имитационных демократических режимах, а также в консолидированных демократиях, в гибридных и авторитарных режимах, – с одной стороны, и кризиса традиционных демократических институтов – представительской демократии, – с другой.

Transitional countries where authoritarian features have long been embedded in state institutions and policies face several challenges that limit their ability to meet the expectations of citizens regarding their rights. This article focuses on the development of human rights in transitional Egypt between 2011 and 2013. It illustrates how political actors perceive and critique the establishment of the legal and institutional framework regarding human rights protection, including constitution-making and transitional justice processes, providing evidence from insights obtained from semi-structured interviews with Egyptian political actors and the analysis of secondary sources. The article demonstrates that the uprisings in 2011 and subsequent developments during the SCAF and Morsi governments show the failure of political actors to protect Egyptians' rights and meet the demands of the citizens with regard to social justice, economic opportunities, freedom, and dignity. It illustrates that weak or failing institutional capacities, an exclusive approach in establishing an institutional framework, lack of knowledge and experience concerning human rights protection, and the authoritarian features of state institutions strongly affected the promotion and protection of human rights in post-uprising Egypt.

Biographical note: Mikala Hyldig Dal teaches at the American University of Cairo (AUC). In numerous artistic and research oriented projects she has examined the relationship between visual imagery, artistic practice and political processes, most recently in Germany, Iran, Syria and Egypt.

The wave of social protest that swept across England in August 2011 has predominantly been explained by political elites through appeals to various approaches that have in common individualistic frameworks of reference. Issues related to the material condition of society are either little analysed or, among the political elite, ruled out as an explanation of the protests. However, it is clear from both the historical literature on social protest and the contemporary literature on relationships between crime and inequality that explanations ignoring inequalities, particularly economic inequalities, are problematic.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Theoretical Framework: Social Movement Theory -- 2. Youth Activism in an Egyptian Context -- 3. The State - Society Relationship and the Cycles of Rise and Decline of Youth Movements 1952-2000 -- 4. Expanding Political Opportunities in Egypt 2000-10 -- 5. Chronological Development and Formal Structure of Corporatist Arrangements in the Universities -- 6. Strategic Choices, Organization, Framing and Mobilizations: Case Study of Student and Islamist Activism