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Cover page -- Halftitle page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- CONTENTS -- TABLES AND FIGURES -- Figures -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- Chapter One THE COSTS OF EDUCATION -- PURPOSE, PROCESS AND PRACTICE -- COSTS AND DEFINITIONS -- Chapter Two EDUCATION AND THE ECONOMY -- CHANGING CIRCUMSTANCES -- EDUCATIONAL AND ECONOMIC INTER-DEPENDENCIES -- ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTIONS -- THE FUTURE OF WORK AND EDUCATION -- EDUCATION, TRAINING - INVESTMENT, CONSUMPTION -- Chapter Three DISTRIBUTING RESOURCES -- FOUR TERRITORIES OF DECISION -- CENTRAL GOVERNMENT -- LOCAL AUTHORITY -- LOCAL EDUCATION AUTHORITY -- INSTITUTIONS -- Chapter Four RESOURCES AND THE CURRICULUM -- A DYNAMIC CURRICULUM -- THE DOMINANCE OF THE RATIOS - PTR AND SSR -- MANAGING THE CURRICULUM WITH PTR AND SSR -- SSR AND THE COLLEGE CURRICULUM -- PTR AND THE SCHOOL CURRICULUM -- INFLATING AND PROTECTING THE CURRICULUM -- THE CURRICULUM AND OTHER RESOURCES -- THE EDUCATIONAL-RESOURCE INTERACTION -- Chapter Five TEACHERS AS A RESOURCE -- MATCHING STAFF TO THE CURRICULUM -- SELECTING, TRAINING AND DEVELOPING STAFF -- USING THE RESOURCE -- PAYING FOR TEACHERS -- Chapter Six RESOURCES, PLANNING AND THE INSTITUTIONS -- CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES -- FLEXIBILITY -- PLANNING -- MANAGEMENT CONTROL -- 'VALUE FOR MONEY' CONSIDERATIONS -- Chapter Seven CONTRACTION, PRIVATIZATION AND OTHER CHOICES -- POLITICAL CHOICES -- COSTS AND BENEFITS OF PRIVATIZATION -- PRISONERS OF DECISION-MAKING -- THE EXPANSION OF EDUCATION -- INDEX

There is a consensus amongst policy makers that education can provide the solution to the fundamental problem of liberal democracies – how to reconcile social justice with economic efficiency at a time when income and wealth are being polarised in Anglophone-dominated societies like Aotearoa New Zealand. This presents a paradox, since it is well understood that children living in poverty are likely to under-perform in education. Moreover, the standard explanation for the polarisation of income in terms of the global demand for skill is itself deficient. This paper explores the nature of this paradox, and the inadequate account given for polarisation of income, as a first step towards the development of an alternative agenda which is more likely to meet the goals of justice and efficiency in the context of the new global competition.

This article explores the concept of performance-related pay for teachers. Performance-related pay (PRP) can take a number of forms, but is essentially a system of remuneration based fully or partially on the assessment and measurement of an employee's productivity, performance, or skills. In 1992 a number of references to the introduction of PRP were made by New Zealand Government Ministers and the Education Forum1 indicating that performance-related pay for teachers may be on the Government's industrial relations agenda.This article reviews the recent reforms of educational administration and education sector industrial relations and argues that the introduction of performance-related pay for teachers is ideologically consistent with these reforms, particularly the devolution of staff management to school level and the introduction of the bulk funding of teachers salaries. While performance-related pay may appear to be a perfectly sound concept, overseas experience indicates that there are problems in its application to the teaching profession. These problems are elaborated on in the discussion that follows.The article concludes that performance-related pay for teachers is unlikely to be introduced without the full implementation of the bulk funding of teachers' salaries and further devolution of staff management responsibilities to boards of trustees.

Although education was an issue of major concern to voters in the lead-up to the 1993 election, and political parties responded with a variety of policy proposals, there was a noticeable reticence for further state funding of education. By international standards, tax levels are low in New Zealand, as is participation by tertiary standards. But whether increases in Vote: Education are the best use of further tax dollars depends on philosophical stances as to the nature of education. The human capital school argue for increased fees, whilst those who regard education as a right have to realise that quality may suffer if the state is the sole funder. Provision and policy development based in Iwi and Maori worlds are not covered.

The 1991 Budget, described by Ruth Richardson in the news media as "the Mother of all Budgets", in effect represents the most brutal assault on the welfare state we have witnessed in New Zealand. Its provisions have been even more far-reaching than the Treasury ideologues and other members of the New Right might have dreamed possible in the heady days of the 1980s. In terms of social policy we have seen a disestablishment of the foundations of the welfare state: the move from universalistic premises to targeting social assistance; the privatisation of the health system; the commercialisation of the Housing Corporation; a reneging on promises in superannuation and education; the emergence of greater state surveillance in the form of "information sharing" between government agencies. All this as part of devising "a strategy for enterprise and growth" based on three objectives – the reform of the labour market (completed under the Employment Contracts Act, 1991), "redesigning" the welfare state, and managing fiscal problems. Ironically, like Saddam's conquest of Kuwait, Ruth Richardson's strategy has turned out to be full of empty promises and U-turns. The "Mother of all Budgets" gave birth to a puny child which has needed all the life support systems that modern neo-liberal politics demand: expert PR to obfuscate the real issues; sheer repetition of claims; the stifling of internal dissent; and the stubborn ideological refusal to admit that many policies have been the product of haste, compromise and collusion. The tertiary education "reforms" put in place as a result of the 1991 July Budget are a perfect illustration – a case in point. The Minister of Finance's speech as the preamble to the Budget reveals in general technocratic terms the place of education: A key element of the Government's strategy is to boost skills and technological knowledge throughout society. In an increasingly competitive world, the quality of our education, science and technology will play a big role in our future prosperity (Budget 1991, p. 7). In practical policy terms for education what does this mean? The document, Education Policy (1991, p. 3) lays out the four key elements of the new policy: Parents as First Teachers; The Achievement Initiative; The National Certificate; and Study Right. Only the last of these is in the area of tertiary education. This paper, accordingly, will concentrate mainly on examining the changes brought about by the introduction of Study Right. It will also outline briefly and make some comment on the new capital charging regime to be introduced for all tertiary institutions in 1993. The paper concludes with a discussion of the notion of competitive neutrality.

Multimedia approaches to distance education have been mooted for further development at a time when there is less government involvement in New Zealand education. The Internet is a likely resource for exploitation by distance education institutions. Not only does the Net appear to be a huge source of information for teachers and students, but it could also serve as a testing bed for multimedia teaching/learning applications. However, the use of the Internet involves connectivity, system familiarity, and social and cultural issues. Because of the need to resolve these issues, this paper reiterates the necessity for a comprehensive national distance education policy.

This article evaluates the proposals in the Report of the Ministerial Consultative Group (MCG) for funding the expected growth in tertiary student enrolments over the next decade. The Report (commonly known as the Todd Report), published in May 1994, was still under active consideration by the Government at the time of writing. After outlining the context in which the Report was prepared, this article summarises the Report's key policy recommendations and assesses their merits. Particular attention is given to the proposals contained in Option B under which students would be expected to pay 50 percent of their course costs. The article argues that the Report's failure to provide a clear analytical and philosophical framework gives rise to numerous flaws and inconsistencies in its recommendations. The case for significantly higher fees is considered to have little merit.

This article examines the bulk funding debate and concludes, first, that it is the injection of extra money, rather than the mechanism of bulk funding itself, which has allowed some schools to enhance their offerings. Secondly, it argues that in having taken on the responsibilities of governorship (including becoming employers of their children's teachers), parents have been diverted from the more important role of engagement with their children's learning, in partnership with teachers. An historical overview of the vigorous debate over bulk funding is also provided, from its inception with Tomorrow's Schools up until the present, in view of its promised demise under current government policy. The article also presents a case study of a series of events at Colenso High School, Napier, where teachers, with support from the community, caused the Board of Trustees to reverse their decision to opt into bulk funding (the Fully Funded Option).