Rethinking Higher Education: Participation, Research, and Differentiation
In: Queen's Policy Studies Series v.181
In: Queen's Policy Studies Ser. v.181
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In: Queen's Policy Studies Series v.181
In: Queen's Policy Studies Ser. v.181
Introduction: The governance of migration and human mobility is a contentious matter, and it has only become more prominent in public, political, and legal spheres. One of the most challenging issues is how to protect and promote the rights of undocumented immigrants, who face multiple forms of legal and social exclusion. In the face of public pressure to control borders, governments must decide whether persons already living and working in cities, towns, and rural areas should be able to access public services, such as health and education. The question of education has become more prominent in the United States and Canada. The norm is for governments and schools to deny or outright exclude undocumented persons from accessing education, but this has been changing in certain jurisdictions, including sanctuary cities and states. Canadian policies are also changing. Although access to education in publicly-funded institutions is currently a legal right for all residents of Ontario (subject to some qualifications unrelated to immigration status), attaining access remains a challenge for undocumented immigrants. Recently, activists have been pushing for a right to access higher education in universities and colleges. Even if not provided for in domestic law, access to education is a legal right under international law. The UN Commission on Human Rights notes that the right to education has a special function, in that it "unlocks other rights when guaranteed, while its denial leads to compounded denials of other human rights and perpetuation of poverty" (UN Commission on Human Rights, 2004, p. 7). Others describe education as an "empowerment right" (Kalantry, Getgen, & Koh, 2010, p. 260; UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [CESCR], 1999). This paper examines existing barriers that undocumented immigrants face if they wish to access post-secondary education in Ontario, Canada. It also addresses the policies that Canadian universities have implemented (or plan to implement) to remove these barriers, thereby allowing undocumented immigrants to obtain formal post-secondary education. It argues that access to higher education is a binding international human right and that provincial governments and universities should ensure access. The primary questions that this research paper aims to address are the following: • What are the legal, procedural, and/or financial barriers to accessing post-secondary education? • Are provincial governments implementing policies to remove these barriers? If so, what are they? • Are Canadian universities implementing policies to remove these barriers? If so, what are they? By addressing key obstacles and identifying possible solutions, we can better advocate for appropriate policy changes. Whereas there is significant literature on this topic in the US, there is far less information in the Canadian context; it is an important matter to bring to the forefront of both Canadian immigration and education policy discussions. Since the constant threat of deportation serves as a silencing mechanism and form of political suppression, it is important to advocate with and, when necessary, on behalf of undocumented migrants. My research will help shed more light on this concern and amplify the need for governments/institutions to find pragmatic ways to resolve this issue. ; Armanyous, M., Hudson, G. (2019). Barriers vs. bridges: Undocumented immigrants' access to post-secondary education in Ontario. RCIS Working Paper No. 5. Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement.
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This paper reviews neoliberalism as an ideology that has influenced higher education generally and Ontario higher education in particular. It includes a discourse analysis of Strengthening Ontario's Centres of Creativity, Innovation and Knowledge (Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities, 2012), a government discussion paper developed to focus roundtable conversations on the future of higher education in the province. The analysis reveals that, by framing higher education around such market values as competition, productivity, private interest, and profit, the discussion paper supports the government in its continuing efforts to construct, normalize, and advance a neoliberal vision of higher education.
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Data from 1586 Francophone students in Northeastern Ontario concerning their attitudes towards French and English show seven independent factors affect linguistic beliefs. Three factors -believing French unimportant, believing English practically dominant, and believing their French inadequate - lead students to continue their post-secondary education solely in English. Believing French more pleasurable is positively, and believing English superior is negatively, related to continuing post-secondary education solely in French. Educational level is negatively related to believing English superior and to believing French unimportant but positively related to believing English dominant, French pleasurable, and their French inadequate. Policy should therefore focus on countering the belief in English dominance and the belief in the inadequacy of their ability in French. ; Les données recueillies par Laflamme et Dennie (1990) auprès de 1586 étudiants francophones du Nord-Est de l'Ontario, données portant notamment sur les attitudes envers le français et l'anglais, révèlent sept facteurs déterminants des croyances linguistiques. Trois facteurs - croire que le français n'est pas important, que l'anglais est en réalité dominant et que le français qu'on parle est inadéquat - incitent les étudiants à poursuivre leurs études en anglais seulement. Croire que le français constitue, plus que l'anglais, une langue de plaisir est positivement relié au fait de poursuivre des études postsecondaires en français seulement, alors que tenir l'anglais pour une langue supérieure est négativement relié au fait de poursuivre des études en français seulement. Le niveau d'éducation est négativement relié à la croyance en la supériorité de l'anglais et à celle en la non-importance du français, mais il est relié positivement au fait de croire en la domination de l'anglais, au français comme langue de plaisir et au manque de compétence à s'exprimer dans sa langue. Par conséquent, les décisions politiques devraient veiller à contrecarrer la croyance en la domination de l'anglais et celle en l'incompétence de la personne dans sa langue.
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Systems of information about higher education in Canada are in a mess. Substantively they are being developed on the basis of doubtful assumptions and confused purposes. Data for administrative and financial control are being confused with data needed for policy and planning purposes. Data systems are designed without due regard to practicality cost and need. A dubious passion for all purpose systems obscures the necessary role of special data sampling projects and special analyses in throwing light upon choices for the future. Planners and policy makers continue to act as if projection methods appropriate for the fifties are still sufficient for the future. Procedures for the development of information systems are being left to people who tend to be preoccupied with day-to-day and technical concerns, unrestrained by university and government policy makers who prefer to ignore or refuse to see that the gathering and presenting of statistical information acts directly on the policy and planning process. The demonstrated lack of interest by most senior leaders in government and in the universities in the assumptions, methods and procedures involved in collecting and analyzing information is illustrated by the failure of both universities and governments to develop separate or joint capacities for continuing analysis on a national basis of what is happening and why. Substantial work done at the provincial and regional level is not brought together for examination from a national perspective. If the universities do not themselves take corrective action, this failure will progressively reinforce the "provincialization" of universities so much deplored by academic leaders as being antithetical to the basic nature of authentic universities. The data needs associated with control should become the responsibility of provincial jurisdictions while the resources of Statistics Canada and the energy of AUCC should be oriented to policy information relating to global, national and interprovincial questions. ; Les systèmes d'information en matière de l'enseignement supérieur au Canada sont actuellement à l'envers. Plus précisément, leur développement se base sur des hypothèses douteuses et des objectifs confus. Les données de contrôle administratif et économique se mêlent avec celles requises pour les fins de la formulation de la politique et de la planification. Les systèmes de données se proposent sans égards suffisants au caractère pratique, au coût et au besoin. Une passion douteuse, pour un système à tous usages, obscurcit le rôle nécessaire des projets spéciaux d'échantillons de données ainsi que des analyses spéciales pour jeter de la lumière sur des choix pour l'avenir. Les planificateurs et les auteurs de la politique continuent à réagir comme si les méthodes de prévisions appropriées aux années cinquante sont toujours suffisantes pour l'avenir. Les modes de procédure pour le développement des systèmes d'information se placent dans les mains de ceux qui ont tendance à se préoccuper des soucis techniques et au jour le jour, aucune-ment restreints par les auteurs de la politique universitaire ou gouvernementale qui pré-fèrent ne pas vouloir reconnaître ou qui préfèrent refuser de voir que la cueillette et la présentation de données statistiques agissent directement sur la formulation de la politique et sur la planification. Le manque d'intérêt manifesté par les chefs supérieurs, qu gouverne-ment ainsi que dans l'université, à l'égard des présomptions, des méthodes et des modes de procédure dont il est question pour la cueillette et l'analyse des informations s'explique par l'échec des universités et des gouvernements de développer séparément ou conjointe-ment les moyens d'analyse continue, à l'échelle nationale, de ce qui se passe et pourquoi. Des travaux importants effectués aux niveaux provincial et régional ne se coordonnent pas pour permettre un examen dans une perspective nationale. Si les universités elles-mêmes ne prennent pas des démarches correctives, cet échec ira en renforçant la "provincialisation"des universités, tant déplorée par les dirigeants des institutions acadé-miques, vue comme l'antithèse de la nature même des universités authentiques. Les besoins en données coordonnées sous des contrôles devraient se faire la responsabilité des juridictions provinciales tandis que les ressources de Statistiques Canada et les efforts de l'AUCCdevraient s'orienter vers toute question d'intérêt mondial, national et interprovincial. From the 1960s to the 1970s Historically, the Dominion Bureau of Statistics (now Statistics Canada) collected and published statistics on enrolment and educational finance. These provided a basis for plan-ning until provincial governments began to establish more and more complex information systems with the expansion of universities in the sixties. As funding became more directly tied to enrolments, provincial data requirements developed greater emphasis on financial control. The attempt is now being made in Ontario, at least, to combine the Provincial and Statistics Canada data collection and processing in a single all-purpose system. We will examine the implications of this development later. But the collection and presentation of statistical material is of little assistance in policy and planning without continuing critical examination of what the statistics mean and, more importantly, of the assumptions upon which various interpretations are based. Such regular interpretation was provided
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Ontario's Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities is currently attempting to increase institutional differentiation within that province's post-secondary education system. We contend that such policies aimed to trigger organizational change are likely to generate unanticipated responses. Using insights from the field of organizational studies, we anticipate four plausible responses from universities to the ministry's directives: remaining sensitive to their market demand, ceremonial compliance, continued status seeking, and isomorphism. We provide several policy recommendations that might help the ministry overcome these possible barriers to further differentiation. ; Le ministère de la Formation et des Collèges et Universités de l'Ontario cherche à accroître la différentiation institutionnelle du système d'éducation postsecondaire ontarien. Nous soutenons que les politiques publiques visant à déclencher ce changement organisationnel vont vraisemblablement engendrer des réactions imprévues. Tirant nos connaissances des champs d'études organisationnelles, nous anticipons quatre réactions potentielles aux directives du ministère par les universités. Ainsi, les universités peuvent : demeurer réceptives aux demandes de leur clientèle, entreprendre une conformité superficielle, s'engager dans une recherche perpétuelle d'un statut supérieur ou favoriser l'isomorphisme. Nous suggérons plusieurs recommandations de politiques publiques qui peuvent aider le ministère à faire progresser la différentiation en surmontant ces éventuels obstacles.
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In this article I have examined one particular funding policy for special education in Ontario. Specifically, I was concerned with the deleterious effects of the interpretations and implementations of this policy. To make claims to fund special needs, school boards had to implement a highly impersonal bureaucratic process that separated the textual mode from the lived reality. The all‐consuming process of identification and labeling of students guided by stringent Ministry‐imposed criteria led to unwanted and unintended consequences. Key words: education policy, funding, accountability, institutional ethnography, special education, Ontario education Dans cet article, l'auteure analyse une politique de financement ayant trait à l'orthopédagogie en Ontario. Elle se préoccupe tout particulièrement des effets délétères des interprétations et des applications de cette politique. Les commissions scolaires qui voulaient demander des fonds pour soutenir l'intervention orthopédagogique ont dû mettre sur pied un processus bureaucratique très impersonnel qui séparait l'aspect formel de l'intervention de la réalité vécue. Le processus fastidieux d'identification des élèves qualifiés d'« élèves en difficulté » à l'aide des critères stricts imposés par le ministère a entraîné des conséquences indésirables. Mots clés : politique en matière d'éducation, financement, imputabilité, ethnographie institutionnelle, orthopédagogie, éducation en Ontario.
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Ontario higher education system has moved far and fast in the past decade. The early 1990s saw "modest modifications and structural stability." Since 1995, under a neo-liberal government in Ontario, major policy initiatives, with objectives not unlike those already at large in western Europe and most of the United States, have quickly followed one another. The author proposes an explanation of the timing and dynamics of the Ontario reforms, describing the driving forces behind reform. ; Le système ontarien d'enseignement supérieur a beaucoup évolué au cours des dix dernières années. Au début des années 1990, il était question de le "modifier modestement en retenant les structures de base." Depuis 1995, sous un gouvernement néo-libéral en Ontario, de nouvelles politiques importantes, analogues aux politiques déjà en vigueur en Europede l'ouest et aux Etats-Unis, se sont multipliées. L'auteur propose une explication de la cadence et des dynamiques des réformes ontariennes, en décrivant leurs forces motrices.
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Using the lens of the commercialization of higher education, this paper scrutinizes how marketing efforts are made to recruit international students as educational consumers in Ontario, Canada. Specifically, this paper examines how the government's immigration policy directly and explicitly encourages the public college system to take advantage of the immigration policy and use it as a selling point in educational marketing. To stay competitive in the educational market, the two case study colleges initiated various programs specifically designed to satisfy international students' immigration needs and wants. They also implemented various marketing tools to convey this message and advertise their capabilities. While some students eventually become educational consumers of these programs, they also unexpectedly became plaintiffs filing lawsuits against their education service providers. They claimed that false marketing communications had impaired their rights; the colleges became defendants, defending their marketing mistakes as is done in the for-profit private sector. This paper concludes by providing potential guidelines to help maintain ethical marketing in the context of a commercialized higher education market.
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Marketization has been so liberally applied to understanding higher education finance policy change that it has become a less potent conceptual tool. Through its evolution as a conceptual tool, the relationship between state control and market control has become an either/or proposition. In Ontario, state control over higher education has been strengthened with the use of market mechanisms, particularly as they have been utilized in resource allocation. This article outlines seven major higher education policy changes that make use of market mechanisms while enhancing state control. It is argued that marketization is a compromise between privatization, academic autonomy, and blatant state control in the face of the backlash against government intrusion in western socio- economic life. ; La mise en marché en éducation, ou l'emploi des mécanismes du marché, a été appliquée si libéralement pour comprendre les décisions financières en éducation qu'elle s'est rendue inutile pour décrire l'évolution ou les changements de la politique actuelle. En plus, elle a évolué d'une telle façon que le rapport entre le contrôle de l'État et celui du marché est devenu une proposition de l'un ou l'autre. En Ontario, le contrôle de l'État en éducation a été renforcé avec l'emploi des mécanismes du marché, surtout dans le domaine de l'allocation des ressources. Ce document brosse un tableau sur les sept changements les plus importants qui ont utilisé les mécanismes du marché tout en améliorant le contrôle de l'État. On discute la mise en marché comme un compromis entre la privatisation, l'autonomie scolaire, et l'étatisation devant les répercussions contre l'imposition gouvernementale dans la vie socioéconomique de l'Occident.
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In: International journal of population data science: (IJPDS), Band 3, Heft 4
ISSN: 2399-4908
IntroductionIn Ontario, the top 5% of high-cost users account for 66% of health care costs. The heavy use of resources combined with perceived inefficiencies offer an imperative to target strategies to redesign care to better meet patient needs and increase value.
Objectives and ApproachAs part of a request submitted to the Applied Health Research Question (AHRQ) review team, the main objective of this study was to identify drivers of high health care use in Ontario in order to find better ways to improve the efficiency in healthcare delivery. Using data in fiscal year 2012/13, characteristics of the top 5% of high costs users were described, and further stratified by mental health status. Total spending by sector of care were also described. Data were linked including physician, hospital, medication and long term care databases for each patient.
ResultsIn the top 5% of high-cost users, there were 729,870 patients who accounted for $20,179,208,348 of total healthcare spending in 2012/13, with the highest percentage of spending observed among older adults aged 61-80 years old. Mental health high-cost patients accounted for 6.1% of these patients, of which 51.5% were female, had a low socio-economic status and an average age of 44 years. These patients had an average of 4.9 (SD=2.3) ICD chapters and used an average of 8.7 (SD=3.8) drugs. Using the health accounts methodology (ICHA), as described by the OECD and WHO, over 90% of healthcare costs among the top 5% of high-cost patients were from inpatient care, day surgery and clinic care, physician care, outpatients drugs and inpatient rehabilitation and complex/continuing care.
Conclusion/ImplicationsThis study provides a systematic description of the needs in a high cost patient group, and serves as a platform for international comparisons across healthcare systems to better understand gaps and identify targets for intervention. These cross-comparisons offer a tool to evaluate performance of healthcare systems and to prioritize policies.
In recent years, Ontario has joined many other provinces in grappling with the issues of assessment and accountability. Although Ontario does not have a long-standing history of standardized assessment or testing, a ferment of activity has occurred since the mid-1980s. This activity has included a number of program reviews (in different subjects areas, using sampling techniques), a literacy assessment in grade 9, and examination reviews in the final secondary year. The next few years will be important ones as Ontario tries to juggle the critical issues associated with changing social, economic, and political conditions; with the role of teachers in assessment; with the complexity and difficulty of communicating with a widely varied audience; and with interpreting and using assessment results wisely. Au cours des dernières années, l'Ontario s'est penché, à l'instar de nombreuses autres provinces, sur les questions d'évaluation et de responsabilité. Bien que l'Ontario n'ait pas une longue tradition en matière d'évaluation ou de tests standardisés, des activités en ce sens ont commencé à surgir depuis le début des années 80. Elles comprennent bon nombre d'analyses de programmes (dans différentes matières, à l'aide de techniques d'échantillonnage), l'évaluation des capacités de lecture et d'écriture en 9e année et des analyses des résultats d'examen à la fin du secondaire. Les années qui viennent seront importantes puisque l'Ontario tentera de faire face aux questions essentielles associées à l'évolution des conditions sociales, économiques et politiques, au rôle des enseignants dans l'évaluation, à la complexité et à la difficulté de communiquer avec un auditoire très varié et à l'interprétation et à l'utilisation judicieuses des résultats des évaluations.
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This paper explores the relationship between neoliberal ideology and the discourse and practice of education governance reform in Ontario over the last two decades. It focuses on changes in education governance introduced by successive Ontario governments: the NDP government from 1990 to 1995, the Progressive Conservative government from 1995 to 2003, and the Liberal government from 2003 until the present. The analytical approach deploys the three models of education governance identified by Bedard and Lawton (2000) – policy interdependence, administrative agency and policy tutelage – to describe differences in the policy content of the neoliberal governance reform projects undertaken by each government. The paper uses the work and recommendations of three government-appointed bodies – the Royal Commission on Learning (RCOL), the Education Improvement Commission (EIC) and the Governance Review Committee (GRC) – to capture critical shifts and tensions in governance reform strategies. Three interrelated points are offered to further the understanding of education governance dynamics in neoliberal paradigms in Ontario: first, the influence of political ideologies on approaches to governance and accountability; second, the mediating role played by government-appointed bodies; and third, the incrementalism of neoliberal reforms in education governance policy.
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In Ontario today education has become a topic of lively public debate. Foremost perhaps among the issues raised is the matter of financing education. This issue is of common concern to every property owner and taxpayer. Moreover suggestions to reduce education costs on property owners at the local level have usually focussed on requiring the provincial government to absorb a larger share of these costs. Such proposals, however, throw into question the concept traditional in this country of a large element of local control of education.
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Several Charter cases have addressed the tension between the linguistic and religious privileges built into the Constitution Act, 1867 and the egalitarianism and multiculturalism contained in sections 15 and 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Three of these cases, Zylberberg et al. v. Sudbury Board of Education, Canadian Civil Liberties Association v. Ontario (Minister of Education), and Adler v. Ontario, involve challenges to educational regulations or policies resting on traditional assumptions about the religious nature and purpose of schooling. We show how these cases, along with two more recent examples, help clarify the meaning of multiculturalism in the post-Charter context and in particular, whether a consistent, principled approach and a particular theory of ethnic relations are embraced by the courts in resolving such matters. Plusieurs cas se fondant sur la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés soulignent la tension entre les privilèges linguistiques et religieux enchâssés dans la Loi constitution- nelle de 1967 et l'égalitarisme et le multiculturalisme contenus dans les articles 15 et 27 de la Charte canadienne. Dans trois de ces cas, Zylberger et al. v. Sudbury Board of Education, Canadian Civil Liberties Association v. Ontario (Minister of Education) et Adler v. Ontario, les règlements ou politiques en matière d'éducation reposant sur des postulats traditionnels au sujet de la nature et du but religieux de l'enseignement sont contestés. Les auteurs démontrent comment ces trois cas, ainsi que deux exemples plus récents, aident à clarifier la signification du multiculturalisme après l'adoption de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés; ils se demandent en outre si les tribunaux font appel à une approche cohérente, reposant sur des principes, et à une théorie particulière des relations ethniques pour régler ces cas.
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