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International labor migration plays an important role in global economic relations nowadays. The present article analyzes the Blue Card, an approved EU work permit that allows high-skilled non-EU citizens to work and live in any country within the European Union (excluding some Member States). After a short overview on the developing of the EU Blue Card from the proposal to implementation, it compares the implementation of the Card in two Member States – Spain and Germany (as they are two countries of different economic and migration pattern).

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschÃ$ftigt sich mit der legalen Immigration in die EU unter Heranziehung der "EU-Blue-Card-Richtlinie" als Fallbeispiel. Den eigentlichen Forschungsgegenstand bildet die politische Willensbildung im EuropÃ$ischen Parlament, die aus kommunikationswissenschaftlicher Sicht beleuchtet wird. Dies geschieht mithilfe der kritischen Diskursanalyse als Methode zur Untersuchung von normativen parlamentarischen Texten sowie Interview-Transkriptionen. Der theoretische Hintergrund ist der Cultural Studies Ansatz, aus dem heraus sich die SchlÃsselbegriffe Kultur, IdentitÃ$t, Macht, sowie Nation und Ideologie definieren lassen. Die Dissertation ist als interdisziplinÃ$r zu bezeichnen, weil rechtliche, politische und historische Rahmenbedingungen ihren Kontext ausmachen. Theoretische Verortung und Diskursanalyse reprÃ$sentieren den philosophisch-kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Teil der Arbeit. ; No abstract available ; Eileen-Emilia Neugebauer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Text teilw. in engl. Sprache ; Klagenfurt, Alpen-Adria-Univ., Diss., 2011 ; KB2011 09 ; OeBB ; (VLID)2409897

In 2009 the EU adopted a new migration policy instrument - the Blue Cards (BC) - for attracting highly skilled workers to the EU. The present paper examines the potential impacts, which BC may cause on the less developed sending countries (LDC). According to the adopted framework of innovative capital, the BC will reduce human capital in LDC. In addition, BC will also have a negative impact on knowledge capital. These findings suggest that the BC is not coherent with the EU's development policy. Without appropriate policy responses, BC fade the developing country growth prospects away. In order to address the skill drain issues, we propose and examine alternative migration policy options for the LDC.

In 2007 the Commission proposed a Directive aimed exclusively at third-country nationals moving to Europe for the purpose of highly qualified employment that would set up a harmonized entry procedure, lay down common residence conditions and facilitate mobility through Europe. The Directive, named Blue Card, was meant to make Europe more attractive for highly qualified migrants by offering a fast-track entry procedure and social benefits in the EU. The Commission, despite the reluctance of Member States, managed to push through the Directive, which was finally approved in 2009. In the first three years since the Blue Card first entered into force in the majority of Member States in 2012, no more than 30,352 cards have been issued, of which about 26,200 by a single Member State. Why? Through a detailed analysis of the conditions set by the Directive and their comparison with the ones posed by the national labour migration schemes - in particular in Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands -, this paper aims to demonstrate that the causes of failure are not to search in the Blue Card instrument per se, but rather in the ways this has been implemented in the single Member States.

The first aim of this study is to investigate the role of the EU Blue Card programme implemented in 2012 in Germany. In particular, we aim to explore the impact on the participation in cultural activities of first-generation non-European Union (EU) and non-European Economic Area (EEA) migrants, such as attendance to cinema, concerts and theatre. The second aim is to examine the impact of cultural activities on subjective well-being (SWB), measured by life satisfaction. We compare the cultural participation and life satisfaction between the treatment group that is the non-EU/EEA first-generation immigrants and the control group that consists, not only of natives and second-generation immigrants but also composes of EU/EEA first-generation immigrants who are not eligible to the programme. We will apply a sharp and a fuzzy regression discontinuity design (RDD) within a seemingly unrelated regression equations (SURE) system using the Ordered Probit method. The empirical analysis relies on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) survey over the period 2015-2018. The results show that the treated subjects experience an increase in cultural participation activities and an improvement in their SWB, as a result of the EU Blue Card programme, compared to the control group. Participation in classical music performance, opera or theatre influences more the SWB compared to other cultural activities. Policies that promote labour market integration and participation in cultural activities will enable immigrants to integrate into the social norms of the host societies and improve their SWB. ; TUBITAKTurkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) [119C017]; Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) ; Initials of the authors who received each award E.G. S.H.A. Grant numbers awarded to each author Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action 2236 CoFunded Brain Circulation Scheme2 (CoCirculation2) of TUBITAK (Project No: 119C017) which has been funded under the FP7-PEOPLE-2011-COFUND call of the 7th Framework Programme. The full name of each funder Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK.) URL of each funder website https://www.tubitak.gov.tr/en.The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publishD, or preparation of the manuscript.

Imigrācijas jautājumi ir bijuši ES dienas kārtībā jau kopš Eiropas Savienības izveidošanas. Tā arī kļuva par nozīmīgu un svarīgu problēmu karu un terorisma dēļ. Un ES, kas ir 27 dalībvalstu bloks, ir ieinteresēta politikas veidošanā, lai pārvaldītu un kontrolētu savas ārējās robežas. Protams, to var panākt tikai tad, ja ES nosaka kopēju imigrācijas politiku. Tātad šis ir vienīgais veids, kā apkarot nelegālo imigrāciju un kā novērst iespējamos draudus visai Eiropas Kopienai. Turklāt Eiropā notiek iedzīvotāju novecošanās, un pēdējā laikā dažās jomās ir atklāts kvalificēta darbaspēka trūkums. ES ir izstrādājusi kopējo imigrācijas politiku, sākot ar Šengenas vienošanos līdz Hāgas programmai. Un viens no tās sasniegšanas veidiem ir Eiropas Komisijas priekšlikums direktīvai par ieceļošanu un uzturēšanos trešo valstu pavalstniekiem, kuru mērķis ir augsti kvalificēts darbs. Šī ātrā procedūra būtu viens no veidiem, kā uzlabot kvalificēta darbaspēka trūkumu ES dalībvalstīs. Turklāt, salīdzinot ar citiem populāriem imigrantu galamērķiem kā ASV, Kanāda un Austrālija, ES jābūt konkurētspējīgākai, lai uzņemtu talantīgas un augstas kvalifikācijas personas no trešajām valstīm. Tātad, ieviešot šo paātrināto procedūru ar tā saukto ES Zilo karti, ES varētu atrisināt kvalificēta darba tirgus iztrūkumu, iedzīvotāju novecošanos un palielinātu konkurētspēju, piesaistot augsti kvalificētus darba ņēmējus. Šis pētījums analizē ES kopējās imigrācijas politikas attīstības iespējas, kā arī ES zilās kartes sistēmu, lai piesaistītu augsti kvalificētu darbaspēku, uzlabojot ES pozīciju pasaulē kvalificēta darbaspēka piesaistīšanā. Bet tajā pašā laikā ES dalībvalstu imigrācijas programmu saistībā ar augsti kvalificētām personām un valstu kvotu dēļ, ES Zilajai kartei bija jānosaka sarežģītāki kritēriji kandidātu uzņemšanai. Turklāt ES Zilā karte var būt kā motivējošs spēks politikas izmaiņām citās migrācijas jomās. ; Immigration issues have been on the agenda of EU even since the formation of European Union. This also became more significant and urgent problem due to the wars, terrorism. And EU, being a block of 27 Member States is more concerned with providing policy in order to manage and control its external borders. Of course it can only be possible if EU establishes Common Immigration Policy. So this is the only way to combat illegal immigration and prevent potential threat to the whole Community. Moreover EU is experiencing an aging of population and has recently recognized some areas with huge skilled labour shortages. The EU has been developing its Common Immigration Policy starting from Shengen agreement up to the Haague Programme. And one of the steps in achieving it is the European Commission proposal for a directive on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purpose of highly qualified employment. This fast track procedure would be one of the channels for filling skill labor shortage in EU Member States. Besides, in compare with some other popular immigrant destination such as USA, Canada and Australia the EU needs to be more competitive to host talents and high skill people from third countries. So introducing this fast track procedure, the so called EU Blue Card, the EU could solve the gap in skilled labour market, aging population and raise its competitiveness in attracting highly qualified workers. This study examines the ways towards EU Common Immigration Policy and also the EU Blue Card Scheme and sees if this system of attracting highly skilled workers is able to ameliorate EU's position in the world in attracting qualified labour. But at the same time due to the national quota in EU Member States and existing their own immigration programmes for highly skilled people the EU Blue Card had to set more complicated criteria for an applicant admission. In addition, EU Blue Card may be a motive power for the latter policy change in other areas of migration.

Recently, the European Commission has proposed to introduce a new mi- gration policy instrument - Blue Cards - to attract highly skilled workers from abroad by lifting labour market restrictions, offering financial and housing ben- efits. The excludability character of human capital suggests that what is benefi- cial for receiving countries might be hfirmful for sending countries. This article investigates if and why high-skill migration in general and Blue Card scheme in particular might be hfirmful for sending countries. We find that the proposed Blue Card scheme makes the developing country growth prospects indeed blue. However, compared to other firms of labour migration, the upcoming Blue Card scheme is known well in advance. Analysing alternative policy options we show that, taking advantage of this ex-ante infirmation, targeted and timed policy interventions can minimise the adverse impacts of high-skill emigration. Thus, compared to other migration regimes Blue Cards are worse for sending countries, but they offer better opportunities for them to avoid the adverse impacts.

Im Mai 2009 einigten sich die EU-Mitgliedstaaten nach zähen Verhandlungen auf gemeinsame Grundsätze, nach denen künftig die Zuwanderung hochqualifizierter Arbeitskräfte gesteuert werden soll. Inzwischen mehren sich kritische Stimmen dazu. Viele Beobachter halten die Regelung für unzureichend, um den großen und weiter wachsenden Bedarf der EU an hochqualifizierten Kräften zu decken. Es ist allerdings nicht zu erwarten, dass die Blue-Card-Regelung überarbeitet wird, denn die politische Debatte steckt fest. Analysiert man, weshalb sich weitergehende Vorschläge der Europäischen Kommission nicht durchsetzen ließen, so gewinnt man Ansatzpunkte, die einen möglichen Ausweg aus der Sackgasse weisen. Entsprechende Optionen könnten darin bestehen, eine souveränitätsschonende migrationspolitische Zusammenarbeit zu entwickeln, inländische Arbeitskräftepotentiale besser zu nutzen und einen EU-Bildungsmarkt zu schaffen, der ausländische »High Potentials« zum Studium und Verbleib in der EU bewegen kann

Résumé : Cet article plaide pour une ouverture de l'Union européenne à l'immigration de travailleurs qualifiés par le biais d'un système à points : une Blue card européenne garantissant l'accès à l'ensemble de son marché du travail. Cette version européenne de la Carte verte pourrait considérablement renforcer l'effort national d'attraction des élites. De plus, les étudiants titulaires d'une maîtrise - ou de l'équivalent - délivrée par une université européenne ou une grande université étrangère seraient automatiquement éligibles à la Carte bleue. Ce « diplôme bleu » contribuerait à attirer très tôt les jeunes talents. Enfin, lors des futurs élargissements de l'Union européenne, les travailleurs très qualifiés pourraient être accueillis immédiatement, sous réserve que leurs salaires atteignent un certain niveau : celui du « salaire minimum externe ». Pour soutenir cette proposition, l'auteur cherche à expliquer pourquoi des États comme l'Allemagne et la France sont à la traîne dans la compétition mondiale en matière d'attractivité des talents. Dans la section 2 sont examinés les éléments fondamentaux du phénomène migratoire, les enjeux liés aux niveaux de qualification et l'accroissement mondial de l'offre de compétences. La section 3 analyse les arguments de fond avancés en faveur ou à l'encontre de l'accueil de travailleurs très qualifiés et peu qualifiés, en termes d'efficacité et de répartition. L'impact de l'émigration - brawn drain et brain drain - sur le développement des pays d'origine est également traité. Pour conclure, la section 4 propose des options de politiques publiques envisageables pour l'Europe.

eingereicht von Daniel Wiedermann ; Universität Linz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)4556159

"Eine kritische Analyse der am 25.5.2009 in Kraft getretenen Richtlinie 2009/50/EG ('Blue Card'-Richtlinie) aus der Perspektive der EU-Entwicklungspolitik führt zu der Schlussfolgerung, dass die Organe der Europäischen Union bei der Verarbeitung dieses Rechtsakts, durch den der EU-Arbeitsmarkt für bestimmte Migrantlnnen geöffnet wird, ihre entwicklungspolitischen Zielsetzungen nicht vor Augen behalten haben und statt- dessen den wirtschaftlichen Interessen der EU-Mitgliedstaaten den Vorrang gegeben haben." (Autorenreferat)