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Massive emigration from the Dominican Republic to the United States began in 1966. A large contingent of Dominicans left their native land between 1963 and 1965 in the wake of political instability. Many of those who left during these years belonged to the elite classes of Dominican society. In 1966, however, Dominican migration changed: it became an enormous exodus of people looking for jobs. In 1960, fewer than 10,000 Dominicans resided in the United States. By 1980, the number of Dominicans in the United States had increased to 170,817, and by 2010, to over 1.4 million, according to the US Census. The majority of Dominicans came between 1990 and 2000. During that decade, almost 300,000 Dominicans obtained permanent residence, and 90 percent of them obtained it through the Family Reunification Act of 1965. Most Dominican migrants settled in New York. In 1980, over 73 percent of Dominicans resided in the state of New York, and New York City housed close to 95 percent of that population in the United States. In 1990, Dominicans were the largest immigrant group in New York City, with a population of 332,713. Their remarkable demographic growth resulted from immigration influxes combined with high fertility rates among Dominican women. The massive arrival of Dominicans coincided with a socioeconomic restructuring in the labor market; more jobs were being created in the service sector than in any other area, and stable, unionized blue-collar manufacturing jobs were rapidly disappearing. In 1990, the growth of the Dominican population in New York City decelerated. But, the Dominican population grew fast in other states across the United States, particularly in the Northeast, California, and Alaska. Such growth created Dominican communities with vibrant businesses, a cultural presence, and an active political life. A Dominican community today shows distress and progress simultaneously. In Florida, Dominican households' annual income in 2010 was half of the income of non-Hispanic whites; in New York, one-fourth of Dominican families lived below the poverty line, and more Dominicans were deported back than were those to all other Caribbean nations combined. Yet, Hollywood movie star Zoe Saldana became an American household name, Julissa Reynoso served as the youngest US ambassador at that time, Thomas Perez served as Assistant Attorney General for the civil rights division of the US Justice Department in the Obama administration, and Dominicans elect their own to political posts in many of the cities where they now live. The annotations reflect the above descriptions of US Dominicans. They also point out the most salient issues in Dominican scholarship, debates, and what remain unquestionable truths about the character of this group.

The paradoxical interdependence of US Dominicans and their fellow citizens in the Dominican Republic has elicited different ways to describe this population: Dominican Americans, transnationals, as well as diasporic. Through its emergence as an ethnic population in the United States, the Dominican diaspora has witnessed and/or participated in the efforts of Latinos, African Americans, Native Americans, and Asian Americans to achieve economic empowerment, political representation, and cultural citizenship. During the decades of the 1980s to 2020s, Dominicans represent one of the largest Latino immigrant groups in the United States and the fastest growing immigrant Latino population in New York City. Dominicans began arriving in the United States as early as 1613 but it was not until the early 20th century that they began forming noticeable communities. The greatest Dominican exodus that began in the 1960s was marked by the assassination of dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, who had kept a tight grip on emigration. Trujillo's fall removed a major barrier for people who wished to leave the Dominican Republic. Though the greatest number of people of Dominican ancestry resides in New York and New Jersey, there are significant Dominican communities in Florida, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania. These communities are predominantly urban: most Dominicans in the New York and New Jersey Metropolitan Areas live in New York City and its New Jersey suburbs, while Florida and Massachusetts Dominicans tend to reside in Miami and Boston. As stated above, Dominicans began leaving their homeland and settling in the United States, especially in New York, very early. The Bronx is currently home to the largest Dominican population in the United States but Washington Heights/Inwood is still the most populous Dominican neighborhood in the city. The Dominican presence in the United States embodies the predicament of most new Latino immigrants who are struggling with issues of adaptation, language barrier, low income, limited English instruction opportunities, cost of higher education, employment discrimination, and legal status. Increasingly, the published scholarship so far produced about the Dominican diaspora includes data, case studies, testimonies, ethnographies, and approaches that expand, diversify, and sharpen the boundaries that have traditionally informed the study of Dominican history and culture in the United States. Yet there is still a scarcity of scholarship on certain topics in particular that makes it evident that more needs to be done to fully capture this population in its many manifestations.

Cover -- Contents -- Glossary -- Executive Summary -- Action Plan -- I. Follow-up of the Recommendations of the March-April 2014 Mission -- A. Benchmark Actions -- B. Other Recommendations -- II. Other Activities Undertaken -- A. Table 3.1 in the QEDS -- B. Assistance Required by the SDBP -- III. Final Considerations -- Annexes -- I. Information to be Sought from the CDEEE for Monitoring the Work to Construct a Coal-Based Thermal Power Plant -- II. Table 3.1 in the QEDS as at December 2013.

Cover -- CONTENTS -- OVERVIEW -- RECENT DEVELOPMENTS -- OUTLOOK AND RISKS -- POLICY DISCUSSIONS -- A. Fiscal Policies and Framework -- B. Monetary Policies -- C. Financial Sector Policies -- D. Policies for Stronger and More Inclusive Growth -- STAFF APPRAISAL -- FIGURES -- 1. Growth and Social Indicators -- 2. Strong Expansion Due to Recovery in Domestic Demand -- 3. Domestic Demand Supported by Financial Conditions… -- 4. …and Recovering Incomes -- 5. Inflation Remains Subdued -- 6. External Position Reflects Strong Fundamentals -- 7. Outlook -- 8. Fiscal Risks -- 9. Reserves and Central Bank Financial Position -- 10. Financial Sector Developments -- 11. Electricity Sector -- TABLES -- 1. Selected Economic Indicators -- 2. Public Sector Accounts (in percent of GDP) -- 3. Public Sector Accounts (in billions of Dominican pesos) -- 4. Income Statement of the Central Bank -- 5. Summary Accounts of the Banking System -- 6. Balance of Payments -- 7. Financial Soundness Indicators -- ANNEXES -- I. Growth, Social Gains and Income Convergence -- II. Growth at Risk in the Dominican Republic -- III. External Sector Assessment -- IV. Risk Assessment Matrix -- V. Institutional and Governance Reforms: AML/CFT, Cybersecurity and Revenue Administration -- VI. Public Debt Sustainability Analysis -- VII. Monetary Policy Credibility in the Dominican Republic -- CONTENTS -- FUND RELATIONS -- RELATIONS WITH OTHER INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS -- MAIN WEBSITES OF DATA -- STATISTICAL ISSUES.

This essay examines important contributions made by Dixa Ramírez's book Colonial Phantoms: Belonging and Refusal in the Dominican Americas, from the 19th Century to the Present (2018) to Dominican, Caribbean, and African diaspora literary and cultural studies. It argues for amplifying the study of imperial and nationalist forms of misrecognition, which Ramírez calls "ghosting." It also argues that a focus on past and present exercises of power as ghosting may permit a greater understanding of stealthy—if often ambivalent—forms of resistance to empire and nationalism.