Suchergebnisse

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to present a comprehensive analysis of the carbon footprint of the Delft University of Technology (TU Delft), including direct and indirect emissions from utilities, logistics and purchases, as well as a discussion about the commonly used method. Emissions are presented in three scopes (scope 1 reports direct process emissions, scope 2 reports emissions from purchased energy and scope 3 reports indirect emissions from the value chain) to identify carbon emission hotspots within the university's operations.


Design/methodology/approach
The carbon footprint was calculated using physical and monetary activity data, applying a process and economic input-output analysis.


Findings
TU Delft's total carbon footprint in 2018 is calculated at 106 ktCO2eq. About 80% are indirect (scope 3) emissions, which is in line with other studies. Emissions from Real estate and construction, Natural gas, Equipment, ICT and Facility services accounted for about 64% of the total footprint, whereas Electricity, Water and waste-related carbon emissions were negligible. These findings highlight the need to reduce universities' supply chain emissions.


Originality/value
A better understanding of carbon footprint hotspots can facilitate strategies to reduce emissions and finally achieve carbon neutrality. In contrast to other work, it is argued that using economic input-output models to calculate universities' carbon footprints is a questionable practice, as they can provide only an initial estimation. Therefore, the development of better-suited methods is called for.

AbstractThe status of indirect discrimination is ambiguous in the current literature. This paper addresses two contemporary and related debates. First, for some, indirect discrimination is not truly a distinct kind of discrimination, but it is simply a legal construct designed to address distributive inequalities between groups. Second, even if one accepts that indirect discrimination is a distinct type of discrimination, the connection between the two kinds of discrimination, direct and indirect, is debated. For some, they are distinct act-types, while for others, indirect discrimination should be conceived as a side effect of prior cases of direct discrimination. In this paper, I argue that indirect discrimination is a distinct act-type that can take place without being connected to prior instances of direct discrimination.

How much can a constituency influence the power of its representative in the legislature? This article develops a theoretical model of the constituency basis of legislator influence. The key players in the model are interest groups that may receive targeted transfers from the legislature. The model predicts that the amount of transfers that such groups receive is increasing in their ability to help a party win a legislative seat in the next election. This claim is tested using the changes in Japanese central-to-municipality transfers after a representative passes away while in office. The study finds that electorally 'strong' constituency groups do not lose transfers when they lose their representatives. However when 'weak' constituency groups lose their representatives, the transfers decrease.

This paper estimates levels of prejudice in Scotland with data from the 2021 Scottish Election Survey. It examines both direct and indirect indicators of prejudice to discover that somewhere between 15 and 20 percent of respondents indicate prejudicial feelings towards immigrants. Comparisons with results from other surveys in the UK and abroad suggest lower rates of prejudice in Scotland, and declining rates of prejudice over time. Empirical comparisons reveal direct and indirect prejudice to be closely related in Scotland, and regression analysis discovers common determinants of directly and indirectly prejudicial feelings. Political positions, such as ideological conservativism, identifying as a Remainer in the Brexit debate, and support for Scottish independence are important determinants across indicators of prejudice, and the strength of these political indicators demonstrates how Scottish political culture has been linked to minority politics in such a way as to re-draw social boundaries around expressions of prejudice.

Abstract
When considering the impact of stigmatization on society, we tend to think of one aspect of stigmatization while ignoring another. Drawing from historical and fictional cases, I argue that acts of stigmatization can be direct or indirect. Acts of direct stigmatization are acts taken by individuals or groups against an entity, while acts of indirect stigmatization are the specific acts taken by potential targets of stigmatization to prevent themselves from becoming victims of direct stigmatization. If we want a full understanding of the impact that stigmatization has on society, then we need to consider the impact of both direct and indirect acts of stigmatization.

Abstract: In private law doctrine, suggestions have been made to introduce a terminology relating to the phenomenon of horizontal effects of EU law that is different from the terminology used by EU lawyers. That terminology is designed better to accommodate the specificities of private law. By subtly changing the word order, private lawyers aim to cover under the label 'direct horizontal effect' only those cases in which EU law can be invoked with the consequence of directly affecting or modifying a private law relationship. Invoking European law to review national law in terms of its compatibility with European law is defined as 'indirect horizontal effect'. This essay discusses the unfortunate consequences for legal practice of using two different sets of terminology, almost identical in wording, but substantially different in scope. A number of disadvantages of the terminology advocated by private lawyers are addressed, also in the light of the case law of the European Court of Justice. Finally, a suggestion is made to arrive at a uniform terminology attempting to accommodate both private law and EU law sensibilities.

Advertising research has largely neglected to evaluate the relative effectiveness of the different forms of branding devices available to advertisers. Branding can be direct, through explicit use of brand names, or indirect, through use of (non-brand name) brand elements, such as logos, spokes-characters and slogans that are connected to the brand in consumers' memory. Advertisers often downplay brand names in favour of brand elements because the latter are seen as less intrusive and more creative. This experiment in three categories demonstrates that direct branding often produces higher brand recall than indirect branding without compromising advertising likeability. There is, however, a clear picture-superiority effect, whereby picture elements (logos, spokes-characters) consistently elicit higher brand recall than text elements (slogans). The findings highlight that advertisers need not be reluctant to call out the brand name for fear of losing attention due to an unappealing ad, because consumers do not appear to penalise advertising with direct branding, nor do they reward advertising with subtler indirect branding.

In a last-minute attempt to grow voter presence at the booths on the 15th of October, Poland's ruling party announced it would be combining the upcoming parliamentary elections with a referendum vote on not one, but four issues. This provides the governing powers with an additional electoral campaign just for them – misnamed as the referendum – to draw public attention to the questions asked. After all, they were drafted by those seeking reelection and focus on matters most used in their political agenda.