Abgezählt - die DPJ und die Frauenquote
In: Japan: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, S. 72-108
ISSN: 0343-6950
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In: Japan: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, S. 72-108
ISSN: 0343-6950
World Affairs Online
The monograph provides knowledge on the complex nature of both external and internal determinants influencing foreign policies of East Asian countries. Through a range of case studies on Japan, China, Taiwan and North Korea, the authors analyze international relations in East Asia as a mosaic of intertwining processes of globalization and regionalization, interests of global and regional powers, local social and economic conditions, national institutional arrangements, and even personal factors. They argue that sometimes a sudden change of one small element in this mosaic suffices to influence the whole system. Instead of providing a simplified interpretation of the analyzed processes, the monograph tries to illustrate them in their entire complexity. ; In 2009 election manifesto Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leaders voiced their decisive support for stronger engagement in international climate negotiations. The promises were realized by an ambitious climate mitigation proposal presented by Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio at COP 15 in Copenhagen. 25% CO2 levels reduction commitment was heavily criticized by Japanese opposition, METI bureaucrats and business circles. Despite strong domestic opposition Prime Minister Hatoyama decided to place climate mitigation among priorities of his foreign policy. Next DPJ administration quickly backtracked from the position of climate leader. The head of the Japanese delegation at COP 16 in Mexico stated that Japan would not be a part of new Kyoto Protocol commitment period. The aim of the article is to identify changing factors in decision–making process that led to quick change in DPJ's approach to international climate mitigation efforts. ; This article is a result of research conducted as a part of a project financed by the Polish National Science Centre based on decision No. DEC– 2013/11/B/HS5/04005.
BASE
In: Naval War College review, Band 63, Heft 1, S. 77-96
ISSN: 2475-7047
World Affairs Online
In: Naval War College review, Band 63, Heft 1, S. 77-96
ISSN: 0028-1484
In: Japan aktuell: journal of current Japanese affairs, Band 13, Heft 6, S. 5-10
ISSN: 1436-3518
World Affairs Online
In: Japan aktuell: journal of current Japanese affairs, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 75-92
ISSN: 1436-3518
In April 1998 the Democratic Party of Japan was formed as a liberal alternative to both the ruling Liberal Democrats & the Social Democrats. The DPJ not only managed to stay alive but also developed into an effective challenger of the LDP. Twice the DPJ seemed close to taking power, only to have their chances thwarted by then prime minister Koizumi. Indeed, the first ten years of the DPJ have not been a linear success story. The party has repeatedly been hit by problems & has also largely failed to develop a distinctive programmatic profile. Yet, in the face of ill-conceived political priorities & weak leadership on the part of then prime minister Abe, the DPJ was able to triumph in the 2007 upper house elections -- only to see their reputation severely damaged by DPJ head Ozawa's apparent willingness to enter into a grand coalition with the LDP. While such plans have been shelved for the moment, the DPJ has emerged weakened from the episode. Despite the fact that the Fukuda administration has fallen from public favor in recent months, the DPJ will have a hard time trying to unseat the LDP-led government in the next lower house elections. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Japanese journal of political science, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 177-199
ISSN: 1474-0060
AbstractThis article asks the questions: Did the DPJ engage in crisis response and management differently than the LDP did? If so, why? If not, why not? In order to try to answer these questions systematically I use an inductive comparative method of choosing three equivalent 'cases' each under the LDP and the DPJ in which they responded to a similar type of crisis. The crises selected were Okinawa bases issues in 1995 (LDP) and 2009 (DPJ), Senkaku Islands under the LDP (2008) and DPJ (2010), and the Hanshin quake in 1995 (LDP) and Fukushima in 2011 (DPJ). This gave me a nice mix of intense, short-term cases to compare; one domestic (disaster-related), and two foreign (Okinawa bases with US; Senkaku/Daiyou conflict with China); coalition governments under LDP and DPJ (2009) of different kinds vs. single-party (other DPJ). A very brief description of each crisis will be followed by some generalizations comparing the two parties' responses. I find that both parties had similar problems with information management, but that there were characteristic and predictable trade-offs of their different party decisionmaking structures and relations with the national bureaucracy. Finally, I mention some of the inherent structural problems of Japanese politics and policymaking that inhibit effective response regardless of the party in power.
In: Fukushima: die Katastrophe und ihre Folgen, S. 187-220
"In August 2009 the electoral victory of the Democratic Party of Japan, ended more than half a century of almost uninterrupted rule by the conservative Liberal Democratic Party. The numerous political scandals and ongoing restructuring in the Japanese party system during the decades of LDP rule had led to a widespread disenchantment with politics in the Japanese population, resulting in declining voter turnout rates and a significant increase in the number of political non-supporters. The political change of power was accompanied by expectations of political observers that the DPJ could stop the ongoing trend of political dealignment among the population. Japan's new government was just about two years in Office when the worst earthquake since records struck the Tohoku region in North eastern Japan on March 11, 2011, causing a tidal wave of devastating proportions as well as the nuclear disaster of Fukushima. Against the background of the Fukushima crisis, this article aims at answering the questions whether the DPJ kept their campaign promise of 'policy change' and 'primacy of the citizen' and whether it could restore the public's confidence in politics." (author's abstract)
In: Japan: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft
ISSN: 0343-6950
World Affairs Online
In: Japan aktuell: journal of current Japanese affairs, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 5-8
ISSN: 1436-3518
World Affairs Online
In: Japan aktuell: journal of current Japanese affairs, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 75-92
ISSN: 1436-3518
World Affairs Online
In: Foreign affairs, Band 88, Heft 6, S. 106-117
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online
In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, S. 16
ISSN: 0265-3818
Le présent livre porte sur les pères dans leurs rapports avec la DPJ. Selon de récentes études, les hommes seraient globalement plutôt distants à l'endroit des types d'aides et des services qui leur sont offerts.