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Much of the current educational debate again focuses on 'values' and only intermittently on a struggle against the expanding public control of educational and social questions. (SJK)

Political tolerance (the willingness to extend civil liberties to disliked groups) has been disturbingly low among the American public since measurement of tolerance began in the 1950's. The few voters who do exhibit tolerant attitudes tend to be people who know a great deal about politics (i.e. people high in "political expertise"). Researchers have theorized many explanations for why political experts are more tolerant on average; for example, experts may place more value on the legal and normative `rules' of democracy (i.e. "democratic norms"), which guarantee free speech, or they may consider democratic norms to be more important than non-experts do, or some other related mechanism may drive the effect. While many explanations for this link between expertise and tolerance have been suggested, none have been directly tested in empirical research. The present dissertation represents the first set of studies examining how political expertise promotes political tolerance. Three studies will examine possible mechanisms: study one will examine the role of explicit support for democratic norms and perceived importance of such norms; study two will examine the accessibility of democratic values; and study three will examine implicit support for democratic values. Interactions between these predictors will also be tested a priori (for example, not only will explicit support and importance of democratic norms be examined individually, the interaction of the two will also be analyzed as a mechanism). These studies will inform future theory and experimental research on the causes of (and contributors to) tolerance, and will inform policy recommendations on how to increase tolerance in a generally intolerant public.

The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between democratic values
and emotions. The author argues that democratic values and emotional
judgments are inter-reducible: political agents use emotional judgments to
reflexively evaluate normative paradigms of political life. In the first part
of the paper, the author describes the state of emotions in contemporary
political philosophy and identifies Charles Stevenson?s ethical conception of
emotivism as the first comprehensive attempt to neutrally conceptualize
emotions in moral and political thinking. The second part of the paper
explores the shortcomings of emotivism and finds an adequate alternative in
Martha Nussbaum?s concept of emotional judgment as the one that contains
beliefs and values about social objects. In the final part of the paper, the
author identifies that moral and political disagreements emerge in
democracies from ranking of the importance of political objects. The
evaluation criteria for this type of ranking is derived from democratic
values which are reducible to agents? emotional judgments.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/1575 ; Es reseña de: Democratic Values in the Muslim World Moataz A. Fattah Boulder, Colorado, USA : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006 ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

Numerous surveys have indicated that the average citizen does not meet the requirements of rationality & activism predicated by traditional democratic theory, whereas the leadership stratum tends to be more knowledgeable, interested, & libertarian than the average citizen. The study explores the source of these diff's by drawing R's from 3 pop's (a small city, a liberal arts Coll, & a junior HSch) & separating them into those who accepted the possibility of their holding public office & those who rejected that possibility. (The sample sizes were small-from 100 to 250.) It was found that those persons who see themselves as potential contenders for public office are likely to be more highly educated, from a higher class background, more knowledgeable & interested pol'ly, & more libertarian than persons who do not see themselves as potential contenders for public office. These findings indicate that Amer democracy is aided by a culture which encourages the emergence of pol'al leaders marked by qualities conducive to effective, democratic gov. AA.

AbstractIn the past four decades topics related to the moral evaluation of global politics have occupied a central part of the philosophical debate. The first three sections of this essay provide a reconstruction of the defining features of the globalization of politics and of the ways in which the latter have contributed to the increased philosophical attention on the moral aspects of global affairs. In sections four to six, we move to the current debate in global political theory. Moral cosmopolitanism has come to articulate the boundaries of reasonable disagreement in global political theory and has implied a deep form of commitment to basic human rights. However, we argue in section six, agreement on basic human rights has not evolved into widespread convergence on a range of central political concepts such as distributive justice and legitimacy. Against this backdrop, in sections 7 to 10, we move on to consider the role of democracy in global politics. The main conclusion that the essay will put forward is that the complexity of the institutional landscape beyond traditional state borders does not automatically lend itself to the mechanical application of democratic institutional forms, but that democratic values can still play an important role.

This book offers a comprehensive overview and critique of the most important political and philosophical interpretations of the basic results of social choice, assessing their plausibility and seeking to identify the links between the theory of social choice and the more traditional issues of political theory and philosophy. In this regard, the author eschews a strong methodological commitment or technical formalism; the approach is instead based on the presentation of political facts and illustrated via numerous real-life examples. This allows the reader to get acquainted with the philosophical and political dispute surrounding voting and collective decision-making and its links to social choice theory

This book offers a comprehensive overview and critique of the most important political and philosophical interpretations of the basic results of social choice, assessing their plausibility and seeking to identify the links between the theory of social choice and the more traditional issues of political theory and philosophy. In this regard, the author eschews a strong methodological commitment or technical formalism; the approach is instead based on the presentation of political facts and illustrated via numerous real-life examples. This allows the reader to get acquainted with the philosophical and political dispute surrounding voting and collective decision-making and its links to social choice theory.