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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine female leaders' attitudes toward demand-side strategies to close the gender-leadership gap and discuss implications for organizations.Design/methodology/approachThis article describes the process of knowledge co-creation that took place using an engaged scholarship epistemology over 23 interviews with North American women in senior leadership roles.FindingsFive key themes related to women leaders' attitudes toward demand-side strategies are discussed. Some felt uncertain or opposed toward these strategies, whereas others supported them. Support for these strategies was dependent on perceptions of backlash regarding the implementation of these strategies and the participants' career stage. Finally, participants acknowledged that demand-side strategies are insufficient in isolation and require additional organizational supports.Research limitations/implicationsThese findings enhance our understanding and provide theoretical refinement of the mechanisms that drive female leaders' reactions to demand-side strategies to close the gender-leadership gap.Practical implicationsParticipants advocated for certain practices to be considered when organizations contemplate the adoption of demand-side strategies. Importantly, participants advocated that the implementation of demand-side strategies would be insufficient unless organizations encourage greater dialogue regarding the gender-leadership gap, that top management support more gender inclusive leadership, and that male colleagues act as allies for women in leadership.Originality/valueThis article extends past research and theory by integrating the pragmatic perspectives of successful female leaders with previous empirical evidence to illustrate different reactions to demand-side strategies and ways for organizations to manage those in their efforts to close the gender-leadership gap.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES WHAT WOMEN REALLY NEED AND DEMAND OF TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE. ACCORDING TO THE AUTHOR IT IS NOT REALLY OBVIOUS WHETHER WOMEN NEED OR SHOULD MAKE DEMANDS OF TECHNOLOGIES THAT ARE DIFFERENT FROM THOSE MADE BY MEN. THE JUGGLING ACT THAT THE MAJORITY OF WOMEN PERFORM, IN BALANCING A HOME AND A JOB, GIVES RISE TO PRIORITIES THAT ARE QUITE DISTINCT FROM WORKING MEN. YET EVEN THOSE EXPERIENCES OF WOMEN DO NOT GIVE THEM AN UNQUESTIONABLE LEGITIMACY TO DEMAND DIFFERENT ORIENTATIONS IN THE TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE. AS WOMEN'S IDENTITIES GET DEFINED AND REDEFINED IN TERMS OF ETHNICITY, RELIGION AND CLASS, GENDER DOES NOT ALWAYS SEEM THE PRIMARY FACTOR FOR FORMING AN ALLIANCE. THE NEEDS AND PRIORITIES OF ALL WOMEN ARE NOT THE SAME, EVEN WHEN THEY ARE EMPLOYED IN THE SAME INDUSTRY, BY THE SAME COMPANY, BUT IN DIFFERENT CAPACITIES AND IN DIVERSE LOCATIONS.

Some radical ecofeminists in Germany and India have urged women to shun any technology associated with Western capitalist development. Argues that new technology can be a powerful vehicle for gender equality.

More than forty Kuwaiti women activists from fields as diverse as the law, the sciences, and literature demonstrated outside the Kuwaiti Legislature building in March

There is an increasing focus on the recognition of women and girls' education as a universal right. Many feminist scholars have questioned this rights-based approach to gender education and evaluated the challenges and solutions based on the international policy discourse. What is notably absent from this scholarship is a comprehensive look at how women and girls' demand for education is constructed though such universal declarations. This thesis uses a postcolonial feminist framework to analyze how women and girls' demand for education is constructed through international gender education policy. Ultimately, through an analysis of policy and an assessment of the feminist scholarship on gender education, this thesis unpacks four implicit conditions which underpin demand and reinforce a modern, neoliberal governmentality. These conditions are the essentialization of third world women, the unchallenged authority of Enlightenment philosophies, the focus of gender and education in an isolated sphere, and the problematization of women's bodies.

AbstractManuscript TypeReviewResearch Question/IssueThis paper seeks to provide a systematic review of the multidisciplinary theoretical approaches to women on boards in order to understand the factors that hinder and facilitate the access of women to boards, to show the instruments that can be used to promote women to senior corporate positions, and to outline a research agenda suggesting gaps that still need to be filled.Research Finding/ResultsWomen's access to boards appears to be fragmented in research silos from a variety of areas, lacking a comprehensive view that provides instruments to overcome the barriers hindering the access of women to corporate boards. More in particular, this paper has found very little scientific analysis to understand what instruments can be the most efficient in eliminating barriers for women to reach boardrooms given different cultural environments.Theoretical ImplicationsThis paper aims to create a comprehensive framework for understanding the presence of women on boards and for indicating existing gaps to be filled by new research in the future. This framework will help future researchers in analyzing specific instruments and to measure their efficiency in eliminating gender imbalance. Depending on the approach taken for research, the theoretical backgrounds used vary. While on the supply side the predominant theories are gender role theory, gender self‐schema, and work–family conflict, the demand side is based on gender discrimination, human and social capital theory, resource dependence theory, and institutional environment theory.Practical ImplicationsThis research provides suggestions to typify causes and provide nuanced policy tools to promote women into leadership positions. Future lines of research are proposed to fill the gaps in understanding female representation in top management positions.

Abortion on demand was introduced in Sweden in 1975. In this article, I will discuss abortion policies and debates in the 1980s and the 1990s. The National Board of Health and Welfare was given the task to spread information on abortion and contraceptives. State-sponsored publications stated that abortion on demand was an important right for women, but—probably for strategic reasons—they also described abortions as being difficult. The anti-abortion organization 'Yes to Life' was founded in 1991. Anti-abortion activists demanded (unsuccessfully) for a conscience clause and mandatory counselling, while also opposing the abortion pill Mifegyne or RU 486. In the abortion debate, the psychological impact of abortion and, in particular, possible mental effects after abortion, emerged as a new theme. Attempts by abortion opponents to establish the so-called Post-Abortion Syndrome as a diagnosis in Sweden, however, were unsuccessful. A new moral perspective to abortion emerged, focusing on the ethics of care and on women as moral actors. In the article, I will discuss the (relative) consensus and strong support for abortion on demand in the 1980s and the 1990s, as well as the proactive role that the Swedish state has been playing (since the 1930s) on abortion policy.