Network rules: technology audit: Boeing
In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, Band 42, Heft 34, S. 24-29
ISSN: 0265-3818
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In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, Band 42, Heft 34, S. 24-29
ISSN: 0265-3818
World Affairs Online
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 43, S. 1687-1689
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 34, S. 225-242
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Women in higher education, Band 19, Heft 8, S. 1-2
ISSN: 2331-5466
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 40, S. 127-128
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 36, S. 1392-1396
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 45, S. 1987-2104
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Review of policy research, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 378-394
ISSN: 1541-1338
AbstractAmidst congressional gridlock, administrative rulemaking is the main pathway for environmental policy making. Scholars have assessed the role of the institutions of government (the president, Congress, and the courts) and key interest groups (i.e., business and environmental interests) in shaping rulemaking outcomes. What is missing from this literature is an assessment of the role of key implementers, state environmental agencies. This research fills this gap by assessing the role and impact of state government agencies in three case studies of rulemaking at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Based on original interviews and a public comment analysis, this research suggests that state agencies play an active and influential role in EPA rulemaking. And, in some cases, state agencies wield more influence than other interest groups. Interviewees argued that this influence stems from these agencies' unique voice as an implementation collaborator. As a result, researchers should incorporate an assessment of the role of these interests to more effectively explain regulatory outcomes at the EPA and potentially across the bureaucracy.
In: Journal of military ethics, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 384-385
ISSN: 1502-7589
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 39, S. 2563-2567
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Congressional quarterly weekly report, Band 34, S. 1422
ISSN: 0010-5910, 1521-5997
In: Marine policy, Band 36, Heft 5, S. 1188-1190
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Journal of historical sociology, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 82-119
ISSN: 1467-6443
Abstract Conventional accounts of a drastic shift to migration restriction after World War I following a golden era of free movement obscure crucial processes of state formation around matters of administering migration. How and with what consequences did state control over migration become acceptable and possible after the Great War? Existing studies have centered on core countries ofimmigration and thus underestimate the degree to which legitimate state capacities have developed in a political field spanning sendingandreceiving countries with similar designs on the same international migrants. Relying on archival research, and an examination of the migratory field constituted by two quintessential emigration countries (Italy and Spain), and a traditional immigration country (Argentina) since the mid‐nineteenth century, this article argues that widespread acceptance of migration control as an administrative domain rightfully under states' purview, and the development of attendant capacities have derived from legal, organizational, and administrative mechanisms crafted by state actors in response to the challenges posed by mass migration. Concretely, these countries codified migration and nationality laws, built, took over, and revamped migration‐related organizations, and administratively encaged mobile people through official paperwork. The nature of efforts to evade official checks on mobility implicitly signaled the acceptance of migration control as a bona fide administrative domain. In more routine migration management, states legitimate capacity has had unforeseen intermediate‐ and long‐term consequences such as the subjection of migrants (and, because ofius sanguinisnationality laws, sometimes their descendants) to other states' administrative influence and the generation of conditions for dual citizenship. Study findings challenge scholarship that implicitly views states as constant factors conditioning migration flows, rather than as developing institutions with historically variable regulatory abilities and legitimacy. It extends current work by specifying mechanism used by state actors to establish migration as an accepted administrative domain.
The last four decades have been shaped by the rise of Islamist politics across significant swathes of the globe. Whether by gun or by ballot box, various Islamist movements - from as far and wide as the Malian desert and Indonesia's archipelagos - have sought to obtain power and govern territories, in a bid to revive an Islamic ancient regime. With the regional privations produced by the 'War on Terror' and the political unrest following 2011's Arab uprisings, the global march of Islamism has only accelerated in the twenty-first century. Building on an established literature on rebel governance, The Rule is for None but Allah examines fifteen cases from around the world to consider the different ways Islamists have approached and implemented governance; the challenges they have faced; and how they have responded to obstacles. It brings new detail and insights on a wide range of themes, including legitimacy, constitutionality and social-welfare activism.
World Affairs Online