Suchergebnisse

El presente discurso tiene como objetivo principal el análisis empírico de algunos contenidos de exigencia y reconocimiento del derecho fundamental a la Igualdad en la Constitución de 1991. Tal análisis se realiza en una constante contrastación entre el marco teórico de los derechos fundamentales y de la teoría democrática contemporánea, construido en la primera parte, y las estructuras institucionales diseñadas a lo largo de cuatro décadas de evolución del Estado de Bienestar venezolano. Con especial énfasis en los diseños de estructuras de mediación, en los procesos de racionalización y en los propios contenidos de la exigencia respecto al derecho a la Igualdad que poseía la Constitución de 1961. ; The present speech takes as a principal aim the empirical analysis of some contents of exigency and recognition of the fundamental right of the Equality in the Constitution of 1991. Such an analysis is realized in a constant contrastación between the theoretical frame of the fundamental rights and of the democratic contemporary theory, constructed in the first divides, and the institutional structures designed throughout four decades of evolution of the Venezuelan Welfare state. With special emphasis in the designs of structures of mediation, in the processes of rationalization and in the proper contents of the exigency with regard to the right to the Equality that was possessing the Constitution of 1961. ; 149-169 ; romrosa@yahoo.com

El presente discurso tiene como objetivo principal el análisis teórico-normativo de algunos contenidos de exigencia constitucional (en referencia a la Constitución de 1961) y la programación que fue diseñada desde 1961 hasta 1999 para dar respuesta efectiva desde el Ordenamiento jurídico y desde el Ordenamiento institucional del Estado de Derecho venezolano a aquellas exigencias vinculativas de la Constitución en relación al derecho fundamental a la Igualdad. Entendiendo que la lucha por el reconocimiento de los derechos a la Igualdad como derechos fundamentales es, no sólo, siempre inacabada, sino también siempre perfectible teórica y normativamente, si se parten de su incompletitud inherente y de su constante crítica democrática. ; The present speech takes as a principal aim(lens) the theoretical - normative analysis of some contents of constitutional exigency (in reference to the Constitution of 1961) and the programming that was designed from 1961 until 1999 to give effective response from the juridical Classification and from the institutional Classification of the Venezuelan Constitutional state to those requirements vinculativas of the Constitution in relation to the fundamental right to the Equality. Understanding that the fight for the recognition of the rights of the Equality like fundamental rights is, not only, always unfinished, but also always perfectible theoretical and normativamente, if they split of his inherent incompletitud and of his critical democratic constant. ; 159 - 168 ; romrosa@yahoo.com

On May 27, 1960, the national unity committee, which seized power under military intervention, invited universities to refer to constitutional lawyers for the preparation of a new constitution. In the prepared 1961 constitution, it was desired to find solutions to political problems and uneasiness, economic troubles and social problems in the period when the DP was in power. The adoption of the new constitution, which was presented to the public with the referendum, was deemed necessary to return civilian life. Although the referendum activities, which started in an environment where the DP's political life was terminated, seemed to be the scene of the propaganda of supporters of the constitution, the AP was set up to appeal to the DP voters, especially in the Western Anatolia region. The National Unity Committee has also sent its members to visit the country to discuss with the people and asked the public to accept the new constitution for the new period's needs and the political controversies of the old era. The fact that the Constitutional Court had a numerical superiority in the founding parliament, which prepared the constitution, and the speeches of the CHP's spokespersons who had adopted the constitution, caused the DP base to vote in a bad way. The result of the referendum was unexpectedly different because of the negative propaganda and the election of the DP, which were undergoing the secretly, and the participation was high, but not even 70 percent of the vote. The majority of negative votes were the military coup of the DP base and a reaction to the living process. While the result was welcomed in AP, which regarded the future as a hope for power, the National Unity Committee considered that the constitution was acceptable. The outcome of the referendum campaign with the support of the state and the support of the three parties is similar to that of the vote in the elections of 1957, and it is understood that the provinces that supported the DP voted no to the constitution.

The convening of the constitutional conference on Southern Rhodesia early in 1961 was the summit of the African nationalists' achievement, from which they subsequently declined. The conference took place less than four years after the formation of the first modern nationalist party in the territory and only two years after the Government had banned it and arrested its leaders. The second nationalist party secured, a year after its inauguration and in the face of implacable hostility from the Government, the first of its major immediate aims, this constitutional conference, which its representatives attended with status equal to that of representatives from the government party. The nationalists had the opportunity at the conference to help modify the political system, in existence since 1923, from which Africans had been almost wholly excluded.

Bu çalışmada, anayasacılık düşüncesinin gelişimi, özelde de politik anayasacılık anlayışının mahiyetinin 1961 Anayasası üzerinden değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Anayasacılık akımı doğal hukuk, toplum sözleşmesi ve kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesi çerçevesinde geliştirilmiştir. Anayasacılık temelde siyasal iktidarın keyfi yönetimine karşı temel hak ve özgürlüklerin garanti altına alınmasıyla birlikte bu iktidarın denge-fren mekanizmasıyla kontrol altında tutulmasını amaçlamaktadır. Politik anayasacılık, anayasanın toplumla olan bağlarına dikkat çeker. Anayasanın asıl sahibini kurucu iktidar olarak görmez; toplum iradesinin bizzat sahibi olan halkı esas alır. Politik anayasacılık anlayışı, özünde politik bir metin olan anayasaların, siyasal iktidar ile toplum arasında imzalanan bir sözleşme niteliğinde olması gerektiğini ve bu durumun da anayasaların sosyo-politik meşruiyetini arttırıcı bir unsur olduğuna vurgu yapmaktadır. 1961 Anayasası yapım sürecinde uygulanan "kurucu meclis" sistemi anayasanın toplum sözleşmesi niteliğinde oluşu açısından önemli olmakla birlikte, meclisin oluşumu ve halkı temsil niteliğinin eksikliği yönünden demokratik bir şekilde gerçekleşmemiştir. 1961 Anayasası, çoğulcu demokratik düzeni gerçekleştirebilmek için bir dizi hüküm kabul etmiştir. Bunlardan belki de en önemlisi Anayasa Mahkemesi'nin kuruluşudur. Anayasanın üstünlüğü ilkesi teorik düzeyde ifade edilmekle yetinilmemiş, kanunların anayasaya uygunluğunun yargısal denetimi yoluyla gerçek güvence ve müeyyidesi sağlanmıştır. Çift meclis sistemi ile parlâmentonun çoğunluk gücüne dayanarak keyfi uygulamaları engellenmek istenmiştir. Hak ve özgürlükler alanında ise sistemli ve ayrıntılı düzenlemeler yoluna gidilmiştir. Ancak bütün bu düzenlemelerin yanında özellikle 1971 ve 1973 yıllarında yapılan değişiklikler ile askerî otoritenin sivil otorite karşısında ayrıcalıklar elde edeceği düzenlemeler getirilmiştir. ; In this study, it is aimed to evaluate the development of constitutional thought, in particular the nature of political constitutionalism through the 1961 Constitution. Constitutionalism has been developed within the framework of natural law, social contract and the principle of separation of powers. Constitutionalism mainly aims to guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms against the arbitrary administration of political power and to keep this power under control by the checkbalance mechanism. Political constitutionalism draws attention to the bonds of constitution with society. It does not consider the real owner of the Constitution as constitutive power; it considers the people who are the owners of the will of society. The concept of political constitutionalism emphasizes that constitutions, essentially political texts, must have the characteristics of a contract signed between political power and society, which in turn increases the socio-political legitimacy of constitutions. Although it is important in terms of being a constitution of society, the "constituent assembly" system applied in the 1961 Constitution was not democratic in terms of the constitution of the assembly and the lack of representation of the people. The 1961 Constitution adopted a number of provisions to achieve a pluralistic democratic regime. Perhaps the most important of these is the establishment of the Constitutional Court. The principle of the supremacy of the Constitution was not satisfied by being expressed at the theoretical level, but by the judicial review of the conformity of the laws to the constitution, real assurance and sanctions were provided. With the dual-parliamentary system, it is desired to prevent arbitrary applications based on the majority power of parliament. As to the field of rights and freedoms, systematic and detailed regulations have been made. However, amendments made in 1971 and 1973, along with all of these regulations, introduced regulations for the military authority to obtain privileges in the face of civilian authority.

AbstractThis paper proposes an ethnographic theorization of the relationship between naming, translation, and subject constitution via the analysis of forms of interpellation in colonial Angola. It engages critically with systemic/structural renderings of colonial society that portray social positions as oppositional to argue for a deconstructive approach attentive to historical disjunctions between naming and social positioning. Dwelling on core signifiers in Portuguese and Umbundu, the paper describes the iterative chain of substitutions through which subjects have been constituted, that is, reduced and transformed. For instance, how are the Umbundu status signifiersocimbunduandocindelereduced in their respective translations as "black" and "white"? How can translation both re-enact and challenge the constitution of racialized and ethnicized categories of difference? How is this related to transformations in Angolan history? The argument put forth challenges the conventional understanding of social categories in the context of Portuguese colonialism in Angola by arguing that the performativity of naming and translation constitutes subjects via both fixation and displacement. Therefore, the possibility of transformation does not lie in the intentional action of subjects, but in their capacity to operate within the fractures of the relationship between language and society by drawing on disjunctions between signifier and signified, names and social positioning, subjective constitution and sociopolitical context.

Reproduced from typewritten copy. ; At head of title: Memorandum to Senator David Davis . August 15, 1961 . ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.