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The present study compares metonymy use in a Spanish political speech with an American political speech, which belong to two different debate traditions, to convince the public of economic victory after the worldwide financial crisis. For that purpose, we analyze the metonymies employed in the Economy sections of the 2015 State of the Union Address in the US and in the 2015 State of the Nation Address in Spain. The present study aims at answering the following research questions: 1. What metonymies do President Obama and Prime Minister Rajoy use in their American and Spanish political speeches in an attempt to convince the public of economic victory? 2. What are the similarities and differences between the role of metonymy in shaping public opinion about economic recovery in America and Spain in both speeches? To answer these questions, we use the Conceptual Metonymy Theory (Dirven & Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez 2010), which stems from the general framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson 1980/2003). The results indicate that the politicians use metonymies to sway the audience's opinion to their side and, thus, used them ideologically. The politicians differ however in the stress given to different aspects of the economic recovery ; Este estudio presenta un análisis comparativo del uso de la metonimia en dos discursos políticos pertenecientes a dos tradiciones de discursos distintas –el debate político americano y el español– con la intención de convencer a la audiencia de la recuperación económica tras la crisis financiera mundial. Para ello, analizamos las metonimias empleadas en las secciones de economía del Debate para el Estado de la Unión del año 2015 en ee.uu. y el Debate para el Estado de la Nación del mismo año en España. Este trabajo pretender dar respuesta a las siguientes preguntas: 1. ¿Qué metonimias utilizan el presidente Obama y el presidente del gobierno Rajoy en los debates políticos para convencer a la audiencia del éxito económico de ee.uu. y España? 2. ¿Cuáles son las similitudes y diferencias entre el papel dado a la metonimia para formar la opinión del público sobre la recuperación económica en ee.uu. y en España en los dos discursos? Para contestar estas preguntas usamos la teoría de la metonimia conceptual (Dirven y Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez, 2010), que parte del marco general de la teoría de la metáfora conceptual (Lakoff y Johnson 1980/2003). Los resultados indican que los políticos utilizan las metonimias para cambiar la opinión de la audiencia en su favor y, por tanto, se utilizan con propósitos ideológicos. Los políticos se diferencian sin embargo en el acento dado a diferentes aspectos de la recuperación económica.

The following article attempts to analyse the phenomenon of conceptual metonymy occurring in George Orwell's novel "Nineteen Eighty-Four". The analysis involves only a few examples of metonymy related to the conceptual domain of POLITICS. The article postulates that politics, in general, evokes negative associations. Thus, one of the objectives is to verify whether in majority of examples, political activity connotes adverse and unfavourable feelings. Moreover some concepts being part of metonymy have been evaluated according to the way in which they are perceived by English speakers. The article comprises two parts. The theoretical part contains a brief outline of Cognitive Linguistics and metonymy, as well as a short description of political reality in "Nineteen Eighty-Four", which is essential to understand the context of analysed linguistic expressions. The second part involves the analysis proper of the material gathered. Four metonymies describing relations between people and the world in which they live have been formulated and examined.

The article deals with the analysis of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse based on conceptual metonymy. Though the phenomenon of euphemisation has been widely studied, the linguo-cognitive characteristics of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse and their influence on the recipients have not been established yet. The aim of the article is to analyze euphemisms in the English language American political discourse based on the conceptual metonymy. Some political euphemisms are not immediately recognized in the political discourse by the recipients, whereas the euphemistic potential remains quite strong. The author claims that the conceptual metonymy can be one of the cognitive mechanisms of creating hidden senses of the euphemisms and make these euphemisms unnoticeable in the discourse. The author provides lexical-semantic components from the addressee's spheres of knowledge that contribute to ameliorated, positive perception of the nominations, and applies the theory of conceptual metonymy to the euphemisms under study. The study of linguo-cognitive characteristics of euphemisms in the English language American political discourse applying the conceptual metonymy theory allows tracing the conceptual metonymy WHOLE as PART in the basis of such euphemisms: alternative, strategic, affordable, progressive, radical, rational, informal, adjustment, procedure, action. The euphemisms under study were selected from the political texts of "The Washington Post" and "The New York Times" 2000-2020. It was established that the conceptual metonymy may serve as a cognitive basis for the euphemisms under study. As a result of such metonymic conceptualization, negative facts are represented by some much wider but positive or neutral concepts. The author also describes the associative perception of the euphemisms under study. The analysis shows that euphemisms based on the conceptual metonymy WHOLE as PART make the recipients skip negative facts by not focusing on them. The euphemisms listed above are able to influence the recipient's cognition due to the inclusion of the negative fact to a wider more positive or neutral concept. The result is a positive or neutral recipient's reaction. ; У статті проаналізовано евфемізми американського англомовного політичного дискурсу, в основу яких закладено концептуальну метонімію. Виявлено, що деякі евфемізми в політичному дискурсі не розпізнаються реципієнтами як такі, проте евфемістичний потенціал цих евфемізмів не зменшується. Досліджено, що концептуальна метонімія може бути одним із когнітивних механізмів творення прихованих смислів евфемізмів і може надавати їм непомітності в політичному дискурсі. Показано лексико-семантичні зв'язки зі сфер знань реципієнта, що сприяють позитивному сприйняттю евфемізмів через концептуальну метонімію. Застосовано теорію концептуальної метонімії до вивчення лінгвокогнітивних характеристик досліджуваних евфемізмів. Аналізуючи лінгвокогнітивні характеристики евфемізмів американського англомовного політичного дискурсу із застосуванням теорії концептуальної метонімії, ми виявили, що концептуальна метонімія ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ ввійшла до основ 10 досліджуваних евфемізмів, а саме: alternative, strategic, affordable, progressive, radical, rational, informal, adjustment, procedure, action. Досліджувані евфемізми виокремлено шляхом вибірки із політичних текстів періодичних видань "The Washington Post" and "The New York Times" 2000 – 2020 рр. Установлено, що концептуальна метонімія ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ може слугувати когнітивною основою для творення евфемізмів і в результаті такої метонімічної концептуалізації негативні факти репрезентуються деякими значно ширшими, але позитивнішими або нейтральними поняттями. Описано асоціативне сприйняття досліджуваних евфемістичних одиниць реципієнтами й виявлено, що евфемізми, основані на концептуальній метонімії ЦІЛЕ замість ЧАСТИНИ, завуальовують негативні факти саме не фокусуючи на них увагу, змушуючи реципієнта мимовольної опустити негативний факт. Визначено, що досліджувані евфемізми можуть впливати на когніцію реципієнта саме через уключення негативного факту до ширшого позитивнішого або нейтрального концепту, у результаті чого виникатиме більш позитивна або нейтральна реакція реципієнта на негативне політичне явище.

In recent years, conceptual metonymy has been recognized as a cognitive phenomenon that is as fundamental as metaphor for reasoning and the construction of meaning. The thoroughly revised chapters in the present volume originated as presentations in a workshop organized by the editors for the 7th International Pragmatics Conference held in Budapest in 2000. They constitute, according to an anonymous reviewer, "an interesting contribution to both cognitive linguistics and pragmatics." The contributions aim to bridge the gap, and encourage discussion, between cognitive linguists and scholars wor

The appeasement of Hitler and the Munich Agreement is a rhetorical comparison used commonly in international relations to defend politico-military action. On the basis of conceptual history and rhetorics, we examine cases of political speech in this paradigm. Firstly, we discuss time and conceptualize experience into first and second order experiences. Secondly, the roles of metaphor, metonymy and analogy in relation to thought and action are examined. We then contextualise Munich 1938, and present three cases demonstrating the political usage of this metonymy since WWII. These range from the Suez Crises to the Gulf War and on-going War on Terror. These cases show that "Munich" can be used in multiple contexts. Our hypothesis is that "Munich" has proved very instrumental politically; it has been a key element in the final push to use force on numerous occasions, and we conclude that it is a very dangerous form of anti-diplomacy.

AbstractAlthough formal linguists have focused on the deictic and (co)referential functions of pronouns, social categorization and identity are deeply involved in pronominal usage. I argue here that even the understanding of pronounreferencerequires us to go beyond extensional (co)-reference. The extensive literature on linguistic categorization has focused on nouns more than on verbs, as has work on metonymy – but not on pronouns. Here I present two case studies, one of third-person pronouns and one of first-plural pronouns. In one I argue that cognitive science findings on categorization make it impossible for a masculine noun/pronoun usage to be truly "generic" in gender reference. The other examines the ways in which identity and group structure shape the possibilities for plural pronoun reference, in particular with respect to first-person plural (we) uses. To understand the principles of reference for these pronouns, we need to apply theoretical frameworks developed for lexical meaning: frames, category structure, prototypes, categorial metonymy and frame metonymy.