The article examines the fundamental importance of political strategic communications for public authorities. The "supra-communicative" essence of strategic communication is substantiated. The article presents the stages of managing political communication in general and strategic communication in particular. The stages of strategic communication management are considered on the example of regional political communication, where the features and characteristic problems in its implementation are identified. One of the key problems of political strategic communication at the level of the Russian region is the lack of resources (organizational, personnel, etc.). The criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of communication are also considered, they can be conditionally divided into two types – sociological and statistical.
The hypo's were (1) within a largely illiterate pop the most frequently utilized medium of communication remains the person-to-person, direct-contact type, & (2) within a pop largely confined to the 'real world' of its own & neighboring villages, national & international consciousness is relatively nonexistent. The study was conducted in 5 contiguous villages of Menoufia, north of Cairo, with a pop of from 700-5,000 each. The villages cut across 2 pol'al & 2 Ru soc center districts but were a natural area. Background data were secured from a 5% random sample of household heads, their wives, & others 15+ yrs of age. This sample was interviewed in Aug 1956, after the nationalization of the Suez Canal by Egyptians in their own dialect. 146 schedules were completed. The literacy rate in the sample of 20.5% did not include the new literates 6-14 yrs old. Those exposed to newspapers approximated the literacy rate. 551 listened to the radio. Koran recitations were favorite radio programs with most listeners; music (59%) & news (38%) were the next most popular. Mass media were used as a basic source of information by less than 20% of the villagers. 45% reported discussing local & national news mostly through conversations. The diff between a plebiscite & an election was the test used to indicate pol'al awareness. No F's & 20% of the M's could distinguish the 2; no illiterates could distinguish them, & 3 times as many newspaper readers as nonreaders could distinguish them. More radio listeners than nonlisteners could distinguish the terms, but they represented only 20% of the listeners (only 50% of educated, Ur Egyptians interviewed at the same time could distinguish these terms.) Village affairs & politics are the main topics of leisure time interest for 45% of M villagers. The majority of villagers knew that the monarchy had ended, that a republic had been established, & that Nasser was President of the Republic. A list of world figures (Eisenhower, Truman, Churchill, Eden, Nehru, Tito, and Hammarskjold) was presented for identification. One F could identify some of these; from 7%- 27% of the men identified each. Foreign news is remote compared to local & national affairs. Concern about national interests & aspirations (the nationalization of the Suez Canal) was quite apparent. J. D. Twight.
The aim of the article is to analyse the sociological aspects of political communication of creative society in Lithuania, that is to calculate (using official statistics) the approximate quantity of a creative class in nowadays society (in Lithuania and in some countries of the world: the European Union's average of 27 countries, the USA, Canada, Russia; China still does not have such statistics). The research showed that in the nowadays society (that could be called creative society), the representatives of creative class make not less than 25–30% of all employees in that country (using official statistics, and namely, the economic activity classification 'NACE Rev. 2' and its analogues in other countries, in the section level, the creative class is calculated as the sum of the most suitable economic activities: J, K, L, M, P, Q, R). Moreover, the research showed that the quantity of creative class in the nowadays society was constantly increasing – by 3% on the average in every 10 years (estimating official statistics for the period of 1990–2020 where available). The article is based on the results of the doctoral dissertation prepared by the author.
Abstract Thanks to the tumultuous development of digital technologies, nowadays we live in a world without boundaries, characterized by liquid communities that meet and collide, sometimes denying mutual recognition. We move in a communicative bulimia where information runs like in a circus where the sense and the value of 'communicating' are often lost, fuelling forms of misunderstanding, violence and exclusion that contribute to fuel discomfort and isolation. In the information and knowledge society, communication is increasingly discriminating for emancipation and empowerment of people, organizations, and communities. For this reason, in this essay, we intend to deepen both the evolution of the community's space through digital technologies and the value and role of the concept of empowerment applied to community development. The essence of the essay is to reflect on its social implications in terms of welfare communities and valorization of the heritage of relational goods that are constitutive of every social and community space.
Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Abstract This paper examines the legal situation of Iraqi refugees and asylum-seekers in Egypt. Despite Egypt's obligation to integrate refugees, several obstacles make such a process exceptionally difficult as far as Iraqi refugees are concerned. As the paper will reveal, while some of these obstacles are particular to the Egyptian legal system, others impediments concern the Iraqi community alone. The paper will also demonstrate that although Iraqis initially benefitted from Egypt's hospitality, stability, and lenient investment laws, the massive flows of refugees from Iraq, coupled with the scape-goating of Iraqis for rising real estate prices in parts of Cairo, led the Egyptian government to adopt tougher measures regarding the entry and residence of Iraqis. For example, it is reported that, as of 2006, the government stopped issuing visas for Iraqi nationals. At times, there were reports that the government would no longer renew residence permits for Iraqis, including the ones acquired for investment purpose. This drove thousands of Iraqi nationals to seek asylum through UNHCR. The paper will also reveal difficulties that are more pronounced in the case of Iraqis than in the case of other refugees communities, such as a de facto ban on the right to primary education in Stateowned schools which, though in line with the government's reservations to the 1951 Refugee Convention, constitutes a violation of Egypt's obligation under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Other forms of discrimination against Iraqis include restrictions on the establishment of Iraqi community-based organizations due mainly to fear of religious tensions and rumours of militia threats not to mention restrictions on obtaining work permits. Résumé Ce papier rend compte de la situation juridique des réfugiés et demandeurs d'asile irakiens en Egypte. En dépit de l'obligation qui pèse sur l'Egypte d'assurer l'intégration de ses réfugiés, divers obstacles rendent ce processus d'intégration pratiquement impossible pour les réfugiés irakiens. Ces obstacles tiennent pour partie au système juridique égyptien en tant que tel alors que d'autres relèvent spécifiquement de la communauté irakienne. Ce papier montrera également comment d'une situation initialement favorable pour les Irakiens en termes d'hospitalité, de stabilité du séjour et d'ouverture à leurs investissements, le gouvernement est passé à une politique plus restrictive en termes d'entrée et de séjour. Ceci essentiellement en raison de l'accroissement des réfugiés en provenance d'Irak et de leur stigmatisation en tant que responsables de la flambée des prix de l'immobilier dans certains quartiers du Caire. Ainsi, à partir de 2006, le gouvernement a-t-il cessé de délivré des visas aux citoyens irakiens. A la même époque, il déclara que leur permis de séjour ne seraient plus renouvelés, en ce compris ceux obtenus à des fins économiques. Cela amena des milliers d'Irakiens à chercher l'asile auprès du HCR. Les Irakiens font face à des difficultés spécifiques, c'est-à-dire, non rencontrées par d'autres communautés de réfugiés en Egypte. Elles sont d'ordre divers. Telle que l'interdiction de facto d'accéder à l'éducation primaire dans les écoles publiques. L'Egypte a émis une réserve sur ce point à l'occasion de sa ratification de la Convention des N-U de 1951 mais cette réserve est en violation de la Convention des N-U relative à la sauvegarde des droits de l'enfant. Les Irakiens font l'objet d'autres formes de discrimination, notamment en termes de limitation de leur liberté d'association, les groupement irakiens à caractère communautaire sont empêchés par les autorités par crainte des tensions religieuses et de formation de milices qu'ils pourraient favoriser. Les réfugiés irakiens sont également discriminés en matière d'accès au travail.
The article analyses creative society political communication in Lithuania. Creative society (as a separate society type) is grounded by the increasing (and starting to dominate since 2000) amount of creative class in contemporary society, and by recent phenomenon of creative industries. Contemporary scientific research is mainly limited by creative society features, creative society economics and creative industries; however, there is lack of creative society analysis by public policy instruments. The article aims to make a model of creative society policy and, having evaluated the Lithuanian practice according to it, to define directions of implementation of this policy. Firstly, attitudes of researchers towards creative society were generalized, presenting its features, and the importance, alternatives, and possible directions of such policy. Secondly, having performed simulation and the case study (directions' determination and implementation of creative society policy in Lithuania), the model of creative society policy was made (this model demonstrates how creative society policy might be formed and implemented in other countries), and directions of implementation of this policy were defined. The article summarizes main results of author's prepared doctoral dissertation. Directions for further research can be analysis of directions of creative society policy, investigation of dream society (as a future type).
