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AbstractThere are multiple models of party formation in the political economy literature. However, most of these works consider individuals as parties and do not model parties as a group of candidates. In this paper, we follow the latter approach and assume that parties form as a result of mutually agreeable links between candidates. We consider a citizen-candidate model of electoral competition where candidates decide whether they want to participate in election alone or offer links to adjacently placed candidates on a one-dimensional policy space. We characterize one-party and two-party equilibrium and show that no multi-party equilibrium exists with three or more parties. We provide conditions on the rents of winning with respect to the cost of participating in election which also depend on the number of candidates. We provide new insights which explain party formation from the perspective of group formation. Our results confirm the Duverger's law and are consistent with empirical evidence on plurality voting systems.

This paper studies the effects of endogenous party formation on political platforms. It develops a model in which parties allow like-minded citizens to, first, share the cost of running in a public election and, second, coordinate on a policy platform. The paper characterizes the set of political equilibria with two competing parties and with one uncontested party. In two-party equilibria, the distance between both platforms is always positive but limited, in contrast to the median voter model and the citizen candidate model. In one-party equilibria, the median voter can be worse off than in all equilibria with two competing parties.

Abstract
This article explores the ideological controversies around Spanish liberalism through the story of the Citizens
party – from its rise in 2006 through 2023, after a sequence of electoral defeats that almost certified its demise. Born as a
regional party in Catalonia with an anti-nationalist platform focused on linguistic policies, in national politics it fostered a
liberal agenda. The article examines Citizens' politics of language hiding the party's liberal identity because of its association
to right-wing outlooks. At its founding documents there was an amalgam of liberal and social democratic constitutional values
inspiring the party's political approach. No earnest question was made of their difficult accommodation, given their disparity at
the policy level. In 2017 an internal debate arouse, and from 2019 a number of electoral setbacks accelerated it. By then the
liberal language legitimizing its passage from regional into a national party had lost its civic appeal.

The paper studies political competition between endogenously formed parties instead of independent candidates. Party formation allows policy-motivated citizens to nominate one of their fellow party members as their candidate for a general election and to share the cost of running in this election. Thus, like-minded citizens are able to coordinate their political behavior in order to improve the policy outcome. The paper focuses on political equilibria with two active parties, and investigates the properties of stable parties and the policy platforms offered in equilibrium. The platforms of both parties can neither be fully convergent as in the median voter model (Downs 1957) nor extremely polarized as in the citizen candidate model (Besley & Coate 1997). In the benchmark case of full electoral certainty, a unique political equilibrium with positive platform distance exists. Endogenous party formation thus eliminates a major weakness of the citizen candidate model, the extreme multiplicity of equilibria. The model remains tractable, and the qualitative results are shown to be robust under the assumption of electoral uncertainty, where vote results cannot be perfectly predicted.

The current political context in Spain is intriguing for those who study participation and political parties. The emergence of citizen activism, expressed mainly through the 15M Movement, and the political crisis of the two major political parties has led to a new and complex situation where new political parties flourish out of citizen initiatives. This paper analyses the nature and characteristics of these new political parties, and considers the impact that the proliferation of these parties is having on current democracies. The work is based on content analysis and field interviews involving almost a hundred activists and party members from three different Spanish cities.

This article develops an analysis of the internal functioning of the Spanish party Podemos and its structural make-up. The used methodology consists of: 1) a descriptive analysis of the development of Podemos, based on the available information in the media; 2) an analysis centered on the presence of Podemos in social networks and the mainstream media, in addition to electoral results and polls. The analysis attempts to determine the following: the party's decision-making process, along with the type of relationships established between leaders and supporters; to what extent the Internet is used as a primary tool for organization, mobilization and political propaganda; and the extent of the clash or harmony within the interparty's dynamics: on one hand, the bottom-up structure of the citizen assemblies and, on the other, the top-down structure inferred from Pablo Iglesias's hyper-leadership and the media presence of the party's principal leaders.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- 1. The Spanish Republic -- 2. Defeat and Rescue -- 3. Early Confrontations and Accommodations -- 4. Contributions and Impact -- 5. Republican Associations -- 6. A Political Exile -- 7. Hispanism and Hispano-America -- 8. The Exiles and Spain -- 9. Perspectives -- 10. A Worthy Legacy -- Appendix -- Works Cited -- Index

This article discusses how nationalist regional and state-wide parties, responding to different sub-national party systems dynamics, contribute similarly to interregional and individual public opinion disagreements about the model of the state in new, successfully decentralized democracies. Using individual survey data and other regional-level aggregate measures to perform a multilevel analysis in the 17 Spanish regions, we will show that both types of parties (non- and state-wide parties), following certain sub-national party system dynamics, are a very important influential and conditional factor in explaining the individual preferences adopted by citizens regarding the model of the state, despite the generally positive evaluation of the performance of new decentralized institutions by a large majority of Spaniards. These different positions are producing a persistent inter-individual conflict among Spaniards that have also a strong interregional component.

The article investigates the differences among West European countries in terms of the degree to which individuals' left—right self-placement is anchored in social, value and partisan factors. The study shows that clarity of party alternatives is much more important than political socialization in structuring citizens' left—right attitudes, i.e. the greater the clarity of party alternatives, the more structured the left—right orientations of citizens. As a first step in the investigation, the article seeks to show that the relative weights of social factors in explaining individual left—right self-placement, vis-à-vis values and partisan loyalties, are important, contrary to the poor results of previous studies.

A combination of factors renders problematic the establishment of a competitive party system in Russia. Survey evidence from the period of the 1993 Duma election is used to examine the nature of attitudes to parties; these are found to be more supportive than might have been expected. The extent of public orientations to party is found to relate to interest in politics and belief in the meaningfulness of elections. General similarity in party orientation is found to exist among parties of different sizes and ideological stances. The importance of the development of public belief in political parties as a basis for democracy is emphasized.