Suchergebnisse

Se analiza el dictamen No. 2-19-IC/19 emitido por la Corte Constitucional del Ecuador, el cual prohíbe al Consejo de Participación definitivo revisar las actuaciones del Consejo de Participación Transitorio. Esta prohibición no solo restringe la potestad para revisar sus propias actuaciones, sino que abre la posibilidad para futuros abusos del poder político con el pretexto de la creación de regímenes de transición. El objetivo de la presente investigación es determinar si la decisión de la Corte Constitucional responde a criterios políticos o jurídicos. Para ello se realiza una investigación con una metodología científica investigativa cualitativa, la cual se sustenta en la utilización de métodos como el inductivo-deductivo, el histórico-lógico. La conclusión que se obtiene es que, el Dictamen No. 2-19-IC/19 se fundamenta en criterios políticos porque se desnaturaliza la acción de interpretación y se evidencia que el órgano constitucional se excede en las atribuciones otorgadas por la Constitución del Ecuador. ; Opinion No. 2-19-IC / 19 issued by the Constitutional Court of Ecuador is analyzed, which prohibits the definitive Participation Council from reviewing the actions of the Transitory Participation Council. This prohibition not only restricts the power to review its own actions, but also opens the possibility for future abuses of political power under the pretext of creating transition regimes. The objective of the present investigation is to determine if the decision of the Constitutional Court responds to political or legal criteria. For this, an investigation is carried out with a qualitative scientific research methodology, which is based on the use of methods such as inductive-deductive, historical-logical. The conclusion obtained is that, Opinion No. 2-19-IC / 19 is based on political criteria because the interpretation action is denatured and it is evidenced that the constitutional body exceeds the powers granted by the Constitution of Ecuador.

In the 1970s, cities began to regulate adult businesses through zoning and land-use regulation instead of obscenity-based regulations to great efficacy. These governmental efforts were supported by ordinary citizens using arguments about property value to keep adult businesses 'out of their backyards.' Today, former 'smut districts' in Detroit, Boston, and New York City are often the sight of high-value real estate and look very different from their seedy pasts. By using zoning and top-down planning tools like urban renewal to deal with adult businesses, cities succeeded in dispersing their porn districts. The regulations came at a cost, pushing out spaces that acted as sites for interaction across class and racial boundaries; areas with affordable shopping, dining, entertainment, and living options; and places where members of the LGBTQ community could be 'out' in public. When these areas are replaced with tourist traps and high-value real estate ventures, little thought is given to the social costs of losing these spaces. As planners making decisions about what land uses are valuable and which are 'nuisances,' it is important to understand that we may not know the true value of a controversial space until it is gone. ; https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/154836/1/Lockman_NotinmyBackyard.pdf

To refine wholesale accounts of transnationalism, scholars have cited the amplification of border enforcement and immigration control. Whilst received analysis emphasizes multiple processes whether border militarization, mass deportation or the cross-deputization of local authorities, other trends remain unexplored. Employing the insights of scholarship on the diffusion and decentralization of policing and crime control, this work interrogates the enlistment of private individuals in official gatekeeping efforts. Drawing on relevant empirical examples – anonymous tip lines, voluntary immigration posses, border vigilantes, local anti-immigrant ordinances and other practices that compel, encourage and include societal participation – it assesses three modalities of citizen involvement: deputization, responsibilization and autonomization. Each displays distinct state–society relations and techniques for mobilizing societal actors and energies. In addition to illuminating the complexities, consequences and contradictions of contemporary immigration control, this article enriches understandings of social exclusion and the redistribution and transposition of government amidst neoliberal restructuring.

In this paper, we critically explore the interplay of algorithms and civic participation in visions of a city governed by equation, sensor and tweet. We begin by discussing the rhetoric surrounding techno-enabled paths to participatory democracy. This leads to us interrogating how the city is impacted by a discourse that promises to harness social/human capital through data science. We move to a praxis level and examine the motivations of local planners to adopt and increasingly automate forms of VGI as a form of citizen engagement. We ground theory and praxis with a report on the uneven impacts of algorithmic civic participation underway in the Canadian city of Toronto.

In this paper, we critically explore the interplay of algorithms and civic participation in visions of a city governed by equation, sensor and tweet. We begin by discussing the rhetoric surrounding techno-enabled paths to participatory democracy. This leads to us interrogating how the city is impacted by a discourse that promises to harness social/human capital through data science. We move to a praxis level and examine the motivations of local planners to adopt and increasingly automate forms of VGI as a form of citizen engagement. We ground theory and praxis with a report on the uneven impacts of algorithmic civic participation underway in the Canadian city of Toronto.

For those concerned with the opportunities of citizen participation in local politics and with the propor tion of federal assistance monies allocated to social service needs, general revenue sharing often is viewed as a double threat. Not only does the revenue sharing legislation fail to require any specific proportion of the returned money to be spent on social needs, but it also fails to include any provisions for the mandatory participation of local citizens in the expenditure of the funds. Thus, revenue sharing, and the entire concept of "New Federalism," marks a dramatic and potentially profound change from the categorical grant programs of the 1960s. This article reviews the citizen participation and social service issues of revenue sharing and examines the available empirical evidence concerning these matters. It finds that, while the fears of some revenue sharing critics cannot be dismissed lightly, the program has not led to a complete demise of participation opportunities, nor can it be said to have ignored totally social service concerns. It suggests that those interested in receiving greater proportions of revenue sharing funds organize and compete with other groups at the local level. In the final analysis, the most important and lasting contribution of revenue sharing may be the stimulation and encouragement of increased interest and involvement of previously ignored groups in the urban decision making process.

GENERAL REVENUE SHARING IS OFTEN VIEWED AS A DOUBLE THREAT. REVENUE SHARING LEGISLATION FAILS TO REQUIRE ANY SPECIFIC PROPORTION OF THE RETURNED MONEY TO BE SPENT ON SOCIAL NEEDS & FAILS TO INCLUDE ANY PROVISIONS FOR THE MANDATORY PARTICIPATION OF LOCAL CITIZENS IN THE EXPENDITURE OF THE FUNDS. CITIZEN PARTICIPATION & SOCIAL SERVICE ISSUES OF REVENUE SHARING ARE REVIEWED & THE AVAILABLE EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE CONCERNING THESE MATTERS IS EXAMINED. WHILE THE FEARS OF SOME REVENUE SHARING CRITICS CANNOT BE DISMISSED LIGHTLY, THE PROGRAM HAS NOT LED TO A COMPLETE DEMISE OF PARTICIPATION OPPORTUNITIES, NOR HAS IT TOTALLY IGNORED SOCIAL SERVICE CONCERNS. THOSE INTERESTED IN RECEIVING GREATER PROPORTIONS OF REVENUE SHARING FUNDS SHOULD ORGANIZE & COMPETE WITH OTHER GROUPS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL. THE MOST IMPORTANT & LASTING CONTRIBUTION OF REVENUE SHARING MAY BE THE STIMULATION & ENCOURAGEMENT OF INCREASED INTEREST & INVOLVEMENT OF PREVIOUSLY IGNORED GROUPS IN THE UR DECISION MAKING PROCESS. MODIFIED HA.

The article aims to determine the state of the art of citizen participation and social organizations. The methodology used consisted basically of a systematic, analytical and critical review of the main theoretical foundations of the state of the art. The document contains six sections. The first deals with the collision of democracy and the conceptualization of citizen participation; the second, of the contextualization of citizen participation in the framework of a participatory democracy with co-responsibility; the third, of social networks as new scenarios for citizen participation and social groups; the fourth, of rhetorical democracy and its praxis as mechanisms of citizen participation; the fifth, of the creative interaction (co-creation) between the public administration and citizens for autonomy; and, the sixth, of citizen participation and its importance of the political model. Finally, the research conclusions are presented. ; El artículo tiene por objetivo determinar el estado del arte de la participación ciudadana y organizaciones sociales. La metodología que se utilizó consistió básicamente en una revisión sistemática, analítica y crítica de los principales fundamentos teóricos del estado del arte. El documento posee seis secciones. La primera desarrolla la colisión de la democracia y la conceptualización de la participación ciudadana; la segunda, la contextualización de la participación ciudadana en el marco de una democracia participativa con corresponsabilidad; la tercera, las redes sociales como nuevos escenarios de participación ciudadana y agrupaciones sociales; la cuarta, la democracia retórica y su praxis como mecanismos de participación ciudadana; la quinta, la interacción creadora (cocreación) entre la administración pública y la ciudadanía para la autonomía; y, la sexta, la participación ciudadana y su trascendencia del modelo político. Finalmente, se presentan las conclusiones de la investigación.

The objective of this study is to identify the fundamental determinants of citizen participation within the framework of the "Let's Take Control" initiative, implemented by the General Comptroller's Office of Manizales Municipality during 2020-2021, with a specific focus on fostering public participation in Fiscal Control. Utilizing a two-stage mixed-method methodology, the research encompasses surveys administered to citizen observers, municipal officials, and the general population, followed by a descriptive exploratory analysis. Subsequent to data collection, a series of statistical analyses is conducted, including chi-square and ANOVA tests, along with Ordinary Least Squares Linear Regression. Additionally, a Generalized Linear Model (GLM) is estimated. The findings unequivocally demonstrate a positive impact on citizen participation facilitated by the "Let's Take Control" strategy. Furthermore, positive correlations emerge between participation frequency and variables such as invitations to participation exercises, age groups of participants, and their socio-economic strata within events organized by the General Comptroller's Office of Manizales Municipality-Colombia.

International audience ; Empirical political science has increasingly focused on citizens' conceptions of their political system. Most existing studies draw upon large quantitative datasets which have produced contradictory results. Qualitative approaches are used more and more commonly to identify the general narrative produced by ordinary citizens on their political system, but they tend to underplay the variations found in their discourses. In this article, I use semi-directed interviews to explore citizens' contrasting aspirations about their political system. This article is based on 32 interviews conducted with French citizens across Fall and Winter 2017 and on 24 interviews conducted during the Yellow Vests movement in fall 2019. During these interviews, citizens were asked to define in their own terms what politics is, what it should achieve, what the flaws and advantages of their political system are and what should be changed. These citizens have produced four ideal-typical discourses, uncovering four distinct conceptions of what the political system is, how it legitimizes itself, what types of procedures it should lay on and what types of outcomes it should produce. Citizens' discourses heavily focus on alternative logics of political representation, which remains unavoidable to channel political decisions. They express four competing aspirations: entrustment, participation, identification, and control & sanction. The two latter conceptions remain under-explored empirically.