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This article proposes to apply Steen's (2008) three-dimensional model of metaphor analysis in communication to a corpus of political discourse, in this case citizen discourse. Our corpus has accordingly been analysed by making a distinction between three layers of metaphor, respectively at the linguistic (direct vs. indirect metaphors), conceptual (novel vs. conventional metaphors) and communicative levels (deliberate vs. non-deliberate metaphors). Our results suggest that making the distinction between deliberate and non-deliberate metaphors leads to meaningful political insights, notably pointing to differences in saliency of the source domains in terms of which citizens make sense of Belgian federalism. In this regard, the family domain, and more especially the metaphor BELGIAN FEDERALISM IS A LOVE RELATIONSHIP appears to function as an important conceptual reference point for the citizens' understanding of the political relations in the Belgian context.

This article proposes to apply Steen's (2008) three-dimensional model of metaphor analysis in communication to a corpus of political discourse, in this case citizen discourse. Our corpus has accordingly been analysed by making a distinction between three layers of metaphor, respectively at the linguistic (direct vs. indirect metaphors), conceptual (novel vs. conventional metaphors) and communicative levels (deliberate vs. non-deliberate metaphors). Our results suggest that making the distinction between deliberate and non-deliberate metaphors leads to meaningful political insights, notably pointing to differences in saliency of the source domains in terms of which citizens make sense of Belgian federalism. In this regard, the family domain, and more especially the metaphor BELGIAN FEDERALISM IS A LOVE RELATIONSHIP appears to function as an important conceptual reference point for the citizens' understanding of the political relations in the Belgian context.

This article proposes to apply Steen's (2008) three-dimensional model of metaphor analysis in communication to a corpus of political discourse, in this case citizen discourse. Our corpus has accordingly been analysed by making a distinction between three layers of metaphor, respectively at the linguistic (direct vs. indirect metaphors), conceptual (novel vs. conventional metaphors) and communicative levels (deliberate vs. non-deliberate metaphors). Our results suggest that making the distinction between deliberate and non-deliberate metaphors leads to meaningful political insights, notably pointing to differences in saliency of the source domains in terms of which citizens make sense of Belgian federalism. In this regard, the family domain, and more especially the metaphor BELGIAN FEDERALISM IS A LOVE RELATIONSHIP appears to function as an important conceptual reference point for the citizens' understanding of the political relations in the Belgian context.

Sweden has long been described as a beacon of multiculturalism and generous access to citizenship, with integration policies that seek to offer free and equal access to the welfare state. In this article, we use the policy of Civic Orientation for Newly Arrived Migrants as a case with which to understand how migrants' inclusion is discursively articulated and constructed by the different constituencies involved in interpreting the policy and organising and teaching the course. We do this by employing Foucault's closely interrelated concepts of technology of self, political technology of individuals, and governmentality. With the help of critical discourse analysis, we illustrate how migrants' inclusion is framed around an opposition between an idealised "good citizen" and a "target population" (Schneider & Ingram, 1993). In our analysis, we draw on individual interviews with 14 people involved in organising civic orientation and on classroom observations of six civic orientation courses. Firstly, we show how migrants are constructed as unknowing and in need of being fostered by the state. Secondly, we illustrate how social inclusion is presented as being dependent upon labour market participation, both in terms of finding work and in terms of behaving correctly in the workplace. Lastly, we show how migrant women are constructed as being problematically chained to the home and therefore needing to subject themselves to a specific political technology of self to be included.

In this paper, we consider the manifestation of a human rights based approach to health in the official, everyday and expert discourses of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The authors analyzed the perceptions of the right to health in general and the right to health care services both in scholarly research and international intergovernmental documents. The study also involved data from official websites, media materials, interviews with experts, and the results of monitoring social media. All three discourses contain problems with access to medical care in the regions and rural areas, as well as obstacles to access to medications. Official discourse is more sensitive to the problem of the lack of medical professionals than to the problem of their qualification. The following conclusions of the human rights-based approach to health are implemented to a greater or lesser extent in the Republic of Kazakhstan: principles of accountability, non-discrimination, accessibility, acceptability and quality.

This article proposes to apply Steen's (2008) 3D model of metaphor analysis in communication to a corpus of political discourse, in this case citizen discourse. Our corpus has accordingly been analysed by making a distinction between three layers of metaphor, respectively at the linguistic (direct vs. indirect metaphors), conceptual (novel vs. conventional metaphors) and communicative levels (deliberate vs. non-deliberate metaphors). Our results suggest that making the distinction between deliberate and non-deliberate metaphors lead to meaningful political insights, notably pointing to differences in saliency of the source domains in terms of which citizens make sense of Belgian federalism. In this regard, the family domain, and more especially the metaphor BELGIAN FEDERALISM IS A LOVE RELATIONSHIP appears to function as an important conceptual reference point for the citizens' understanding of the political relations in the Belgian context. ; Peer reviewed

Changes in public opinion and civil society over the last decade have shown that citizens, particularly in old EU Member States, have developed more complex attitudes towards European integration. While the European project was previously generally described as a teleological depoliticized project, aiming at building peace and comforting growth, different competing visions of the European project are nowadays acknowledged and surface among the public on occasions, like referendums or treaty negotiations. While EU official narratives are documented by studies on the European institutions or the visions of leaders and parties, their empirical analysis at the citizens' level is still fragmented. Using focus group data in four countries (France, Portugal, Italy and Belgium) and three social groups (21 group interviews), we provide a comparative qualitative answer to how citizens envision European integration. Our results show that, first, official narratives do not fail to reach citizens, but they are also loosened, contested, and do not systematically produce a sense of common belonging. Second, they highlight the importance of socio‐economic contexts, as well as national and personal experience in the re‐appropriation of these narratives.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: The Milltown Cleanup -- Chapter 2: Composing a Place -- Chapter 3: Local Compositions of History and Artifact -- Chapter 4: Local Compositions of Systems and (Scientific) Problems -- Chapter 5: Local Compositions of Habitat, Nature, and Contested Authority -- Chapter 6: Local Compositions of Ideology, Wealth, and Aesthetics -- Chapter 7: Integrating Compositions: Emergent Senses of Place -- Appendices -- References -- Index.

© American Psychological Association, 2017. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in the APA journal. Please do not copy or cite without author's permission. The final article is available, upon publication, at: Kadianaki, Irini et al. "Using national history to construct the boundaries of citizenship: An analysis of Greek citizens' discourse about immigrants' rights" DOI:10.1037/qup0000087" ; In this article we advance a qualitative approach to study the interconnection between representations of history and representations of citizenship. We argue that representations of the national past are important resources on which different constructions of citizenship are based. Our empirical context is the heated debate that emerged as a result of the announcement of new citizenship legislation in Greece. We used the online comments posted in the forum of the Ministry of Internal Affairs following the announcement of the legislation to study how national history was represented by Greek citizens and how these representations functioned to form different arguments regarding migrants' citizenship rights. Our analysis identified 4 themes in representations of national history: Continuity of the nation, idealization of the past, moral obligation toward the past, and homogeneity or heterogeneity of the nation. We show that these ideas largely sustain an exclusive, essentialist, ethnic conception of the nation as a distinct, homogeneous, and continuous entity of people sharing a common genetic heritage. More inclusive arguments were based on seemingly pluralistic ideas that implicitly entailed banal nationalist assumptions or assimilatory ideas toward migrant inclusion. We conclude that commentators' historical representations inhibit critical understanding of the past and consequently of a more open and plural understanding of the future. Future research should focus on examining how formal and informal education may promote such representations and on the political implications of these for intergroup relations in multicultural contexts. ; Mario Carretero would like to acknowledge that this article was written with the support of Projects EDU2013- 42531P and EDU2015-65088-P from La Dirección General de Investigación Científica y Técnica (Ministry of Education, Spain) and also the Project PICT2012-1594 from the Agencia Nacional de Promoción Científica y Tecnológica (Argentina) that he coordinates. Also, this work was conducted within the framework of the European Cooperation in Science and Technology's COST Action IS1205 ("Social Psychological Dynamics of Historical Representations in the Enlarged European Union").

This article explores the relationship between elite and citizen discourses on European integration. We argue that imperfections in cue-making and cue-taking lead to a gap between elite and citizen discourses, especially in societies experiencing major changes. To investigate this, we use newly collected data from Serbia shortly after the delayed start of accession negotiations in 2014. Using vignettes for different citizen discourses, we coded statements collected from major Serbian newspapers. The analysis shows that citizen discourses found in previous research are all represented in the media. We also find that approximately one fourth of media content does not fit any of the citizen discourses in Serbia. This gap confirms our hypothesis and demonstrates that elite 'communicative' discourses are not well linked to citizen discourses, leading to politically important imperfections.