Suchergebnisse

Internet filtering in China is a pervasive and well-reported phenomenon and, as arguably the most extensive filtering regime in the world today, has been studied by a number of authors. Existing studies, however, have considered both the filtering infrastructure and the nation itself as largely homogeneous in this respect. This article investigates variation in filtering across China through direct access to internet services across the country. This is achieved through use of the Domain Name Service (DNS), which provides a mapping between human-readable names and machine-routable internet addresses, and is thus a critical component of internet-based communications. Manipulation of DNS is a common mechanism used by states and institutions to hamper access to internet services that have been deemed undesirable. Our experiments support the hypothesis that, despite typically being considered a monolithic entity, the Chinese filtering approach is better understood as a decentralized and semi-privatized operation in which low-level filtering decisions are left to local authorities and organizations. This article provides a first step in understanding how filtering affects populations at a fine-grained level, and moves towards a more subtle understanding of internet filtering than those based on the broad criterion of nationality. The techniques employed in this work, while here applied to geographic criteria, provide an approach by which filtering can be analysed according to a range of social, economic and political factors in order to more fully understand the role that internet filtering plays in China, and around the world.

China has the world's largest Internet market with over 400 million people online. Chinese government has established the world's most extensive, sophisticated, and technologically advanced online censorship system. This article aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the Internet's political impact by mapping out the dynamics of 'domination and resistance' as well as citizen mobilization, and interpreting political discourse created by Chinese netizens. How are tech-savvy 'information brokers' expanding free-information flow through the Great Firewall? What local issues generate online resonance and became national 'internet events'? And what role are prominent bloggers playing in setting the national media agenda? This article also explains how online activism gradually undermines the values and ideology that reproduce compliance with the Chinese Communist Party's authoritarian regime, and, as such, force an opening for free expression and civil society in China. Adapted from the source document.

China is often described as having the world's most advanced Internet censorship and surveillance regime.1 It garners much fear and attention in the media and among policymakers, yet most reports focus on specific incidents or capabilities, not the system as a whole. The Great Firewall, which generally refers to the technical implementation of controls, is the most well- known part of the system, but the overall control regime includes a significant human element ranging from police persecution of dissidents to human censors who review individual blog and social media posts to the self-censorship that has become an almost reflexive response among citizens. The control regime implemented by China is in many ways exactly what one would expect of a rational, forward-looking, planning-oriented authoritarian regime determined to remain in power while retaining legitimacy: extensive, pervasive, deeply integrated into the technical apparatus of the Internet, and both reflective of and entwined with the political and social structures in which it is embedded. It is not a perfect regime – not every post the government would deem undesirable is caught or removed – but it is good enough. It utilizes technical tools, self-censorship, and human review to create a system with enough built-in flexibility to enable a fine-grained control of which most political leaders around the world can only dream. ; This material is based on work supported by the U.S. Office of Naval Research, Grant No. N00014-09-1-0597. Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations therein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Office of Naval Research.

Overview of research on network language from the perspective of communication -- Network language in the era of group communication -- The network language user of combination of communicator and receiver -- Network language: an important representation of contemporary Chinese media culture -- Network language as a symbolic expression of network public opinions.