Suchergebnisse

LAist (David Wagner) [UPDATE: link fixed] has the story: [W]hen L.A. Superior Court Judge Ian Fusselman took a closer look, he spotted a major problem. Two of the cases cited in the brief were not real. Others had nothing to do with eviction law, the judge said. "This was an entire body of law that…

From the Northern District of Illinois federal court's General Order 24-0021 today: The court recognizes that the July 19, 2024 global IT outage creates great difficulty for litigants attempting to meet court deadlines. It is, therefore, HEREBY ORDERED THAT the date for filing of any orders, writs, process, pleadings, or other matters otherwise due or…

A California trial court so ruled, and the California Court of Appeal just upheld that decision.

The U.S. Federal Courts Case Management/Electronic Case Files (CM/ECF) service is a very successful court automation system deployed throughout the country that integrated case management, electronic court case records and documents, and the electronic transmission and service of court records via the Internet. The authors briefly explain the history of automation development and indicators of success in these courts. The primary focus of the article is (a) on what capabilities and functions should be integrated into any modern court electronic filing and case management service; and (b) on insights as to key technical components, fundamental project guidelines, technical objectives, and non-technical principles and implementation techniques that were critical to achieving success. The ultimate CM/ECF goals that have been achieved are (1) that the entire U.S. federal court community (court, lawyers, government, public) are comfortable in totally relying on this service, and (2) that CM/ECF is the official record eliminating the traditional paper record.

This case study explores the degree to which the number of court motions changed 1 year after parenting coordination was implemented with high‐conflict co‐parenting couples and examines the parents' demographic profile. Findings indicate a reduction of approximately 75% in child‐related court filings, as well as a 40% decrease in other motions, resulting in a decrease of 50% in all motions filed, thus saving these once high‐conflict couples, and the court, significant time and resources. The diverse demographic profile illuminates training and research implications regarding the use of parenting coordination as an intervention for high‐conflict co‐parenting couples.

An upcoming electoral contest with a backstory became
even more interesting last week, driven by a rare political opportunity – an
open judgeship, with this on the state's highest court, no less.Due to a reapportionment itself controversial because
it involved Republicans essentially surrendering a safe seat on the Louisiana
Supreme Court, a new majority-minority district without an incumbent that split
Monroe and moved south into splitting Baton Rouge attracted three black Democrats
in a race this fall. One, First Circuit Court of Appeals Judge John Michael Guidry, was getting a
second shot at a spot on the state's highest court after having run a strong
campaign almost a decade ago in a different district that was not M/M. Terms that
don't come up often (of ten years length), an age limit of 70, and that incumbents
basically never lose means his second chance is extraordinary.

Guidry, backed by business interests, almost found
himself the winner by default almost immediately after qualifying. Someone connected
with Guidry sued to remove the other two candidates from the ballot, Second Circuit
Court of Appeals Judge Marcus Hunter and Louisiana Housing Corporation Chief of
Staff Leslie Chambers, who is drawing support from trial lawyer interests. Both
were argued not to have paid state income taxes in the past, where legally they
must have done so to file candidacies, and also that Chambers wasn't domiciled in
the district.

Democrat District Court Judge Don Johnson didn't
boot either off the ballot, despite that indisputably both had returns filed
late and not received by the state prior to qualifying. Both argued that they thought
the reruns had been accepted, even though Hunter had two years' worth filed the
day before qualifying began. But ever since the Supreme Court allowed Democrat
former Shreveport Mayor Adrian Perkins to stay
on the ballot despite falsely attesting to a majority of queries on his
qualification papers for a reelection attempt in 2022, it has become difficult
to disqualify anyone.

This isn't the only questionable financial matter
Hunter has found himself involved with. In 2019, at a tax sale he bought a
distressed property at 114 Texas St., Shreveport. The building, in place since
at least the last decade of the 19th century and 80 years later was a
popular entertainment venue, had been vacant for over two decades. At the time
of purchase, it had deteriorated to the point potentially it could not be salvaged.

Hunter then did nothing with the property for
three years, although he said he had plans
to convert it to low-income housing financed through the LHC, prior to Chambers'
association with it. Back then, his ally Stephen Jackson,
now a Democrat state representative, sat on the LHC Board of Directors then representing
that area as a parish commissioner; since his election to the Legislature, he
was replaced. Jackson himself made news, that he rather would not have, by his conviction
last year before his election of impersonating
a police officer and still has ongoing legal problems set for adjudicating.

By Jun., 2022 the Shreveport Historic Preservation
Commission recommended demolition as Hunter apparently dithered. Then, in Sep.,
2022 the building mostly burned, from a fire that looked to be arson, perhaps
started by vagrants but never determined. The city began demolition proceedings
that Hunter opposed, but which a court
ordered in October that happened shortly thereafter. The lot now sits
empty, still owned by a partnership registered at Hunter's Monroe address with seemingly
no plans afoot for it.

Judicial contests in Louisiana can turn on unusual
circumstances, since in theory the job involves judicial decisions, not
policy-making, that leave voters in a vacuum of information about how well
someone will serve on the bench, with only a policy-making cue, party label, to
guide them. As well, unlike candidates for legislative and executive offices or
appointees, judicial candidates don't have to file public financial disclosure information,
so only rarely does the public get an idea about their financial dealings.

If those campaigning on behalf of his opponents
(technically, judicial candidates can't conduct their own campaigns, so surrogates
do so) want to paint Hunter, a former state representative who, as many lawyers
in the chamber desire, escaped to the much higher-paid/full-time job of judge, as
sloppy with financial affairs as a means of casting doubt on his competence as
a jurist, he certainly has given them the ammunition to do so.