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The position of farmers in India is becoming questionable as the time is passing by. India is developing in all the aspects but there is no significant decline in the suicides committed by the farmers in the country. The 'real heroes' of our nation that are 'farmers and soldiers' are now been forgotten and the 'fake heroes' of the bollywood are now been worshipped. If the prices of agricultural commodities increase, everyone starts complaining but no one bothers about spending so much on branded clothes and watching movies in the theatres. The paper focuses on the reasons behind the farmers of India are committing suicide and some of the steps that should be taken by the government in order to minimize the cases of farmer suicide. The government has made it a political issue rather than an issue worth considering. It also focuses on advantages of agriculture in a developing nation like India and its contribution to the economic growth of our country. Vayu Tewari "Farmers' Suicide in India" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-2 , February 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd29977.pdf
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I have spent the last 13 years working with undocumented communities in Los Angeles and have witnessed, time and time again, how the ripple effects of living without formal immigration status can tear apart the lives of some of the people I hold dearest. And so part of my personal, professionaland political life's work has been to fightalongside undocumented folks in the struggle to gain rights, recognition, and respect. Immigration—especially undocumented immigration—is a loaded topic in this country. The President is talking about it, Members of Congress are debating about it, pundits are complaining about it, and everybody has an opinion about it. However, as I have engaged in this work over the past decade, I have met hundreds of people who are confused and/or misinformed about undocumented immigration, in large part due to negative representations of immigrants in the media. This article attempts to address some of the most common misconceptions about undocumented immigration.
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This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country ; Politologijos katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas
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This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
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This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
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This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
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In: European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities: EQPAM, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 50-64
ISSN: 2285-4916
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighbourhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
Sensitive skin is a very frequent condition, the prevalence of this syndrome has been studied in different countries in Europe, in United States and in Japan. The aim of the study was to evaluate the epidemiology of sensitive skin in the Indian population, like this has never been studied in this country. A representative nationwide sample of the Indian population aged 15 and over was selected. Individuals were selected as per the quota method (based on sex, age, householder profession, rural/urban location, and region). In total, 27.9% of men and 36.7% of women declared having "sensitive" or "very sensitive" skin. The difference between the 2 sexes was very significant. Of these, 5.1% of men and 7.2% of women reported having "very sensitive" skin. The subjects complaining about "sensitive" or "very sensitive" skin were 2–4 times more likely to declare suffering from atopic dermatitis, acne, psoriasis, or vitiligo. They were 2 to 3 times more reactive to climatic factors, environmental factors, cosmetics and food intake. In conclusion, although less frequently reported than in other countries, sensitive skin is a frequent condition in India, affecting about one third of the population.
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We, the archaeological sector, have been complaining about the image offered by the media about our work. Treasures, politics and other demons lead to a social misconception of the past and our profession. In a country such as Spain, where laws are very restrictive, this in- creases the danger of looting. The case of metal detectors is especially interesting, as it makes treasure hunting attractive and, sometimes, looting legitimate. This article will explore these circumstances in their contexts. ; Desde el sector de la arqueología nos venimos quejando de la imagen que se ofrece de nuestro trabajo en los medios de comunicación. Tesoros, política y otros demonios que conducen a una percepción social errónea del pasado y de nuestro trabajo. En un país como España, donde la legislación es tan restrictiva, esto se traduce en un peligro añadido de expolio. El caso del detectorismo es especialmente interesante, en tanto en cuanto representa una mitificación de la búsqueda de tesoros y, en ocasiones, una legitimación del expolio. El presente artículo analizará esta circunstancia en su contexto.
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In: Politique internationale: pi, Heft 113, S. 435-455
ISSN: 0221-2781
Not many observers proffer predictions regarding the future of Algeria. This is a country enjoying a petro-dollar windfall & yet one that is incapable of improving the lot of its abandoned population. Offering its citizens nothing more than a cut-rate economy, the government veers between stirring up nationalist sentiment by clashing with France over its colonialist past, & reprising the myth of a strong state & regional leader. As for "national reconciliation," it is trying to give substance to the idea of a return to peace after a decade of "dirty war." But in reality, the government's primary objective is to consolidate Abdelaziz Bouteflika's power by giving amnesties to the two protagonists of the violence of the 1990s, the members of the security services & the Islamists, thus ensuring their gratitude. Outside Algeria, no one is complaining about the regime's censorship of independent media, of the arrest of rioters or pressures brought to bear on trade unionists. The regime can sleep easily. The big question is until when ... Adapted from the source document.
In: Journal of Asian and African studies: JAAS, Band 42, Heft 5, S. 447-459
ISSN: 1745-2538
This article argues that a major aim of the Uruguay Round of GATT was to strengthen its dispute settlement procedures and such efforts resulted in bringing about significant improvements in the WTO dispute settlement system. It upholds the right of initiating a panel process by a complaining government and thus prevents blocking at that stage. It also establishes strict timetables for processing disputes and makes all decisions binding unless the DSB votes unanimously to overrule them. If the defendants fail to comply, the WTO can authorize the complainant to impose retaliatory trade sanctions. However, the system is not without weaknesses as the recommendations of the DSB are not implemented promptly and it is still reliant in important respects on the consent and initiative of the parties to the dispute. Although provisions on dispute settlement are generally seen as positive by the developing countries, including Pakistan, many face the challenge of finding the financial, as well as human, resources to participate in the WTO's dispute settlement proceedings. Securing compliance from a defaulting country, especially if it is a developed country, to the dispute settlement of the WTO also remains a major problem. The article concludes that in a general analysis, the dispute settlement system of WTO has been used by both developed and developing countries, despite having some procedural and functional weaknesses mainly due to the lack of a mechanism at the WTO to implement its decisions.
Towards the end of the era of fixation on text immanent approaches, (such as structuralism, reading the New Testament as literature, etcetera) which characterized South African New Testament scholarship during the 70's and 80's, more and more voices could be heard complaining that-because of these approaches-New Testament scholarship has become irrelevant within the political, ecclesiastical and even theological, contexts of South Africa. In 1992two collections of essays, dealing respectively with the ethics and the theology of (almost) all the books in the New Testament, were published. Most of the prominent New Testament scholars in the country contributed to these collections of essays. Both were written shortly after the fundamental process of change in South Africa swung into motion at the beginning of 1990. Thus one could expect to find the reaction of South African New Testament scholarship to these events in these two collections. In this article aspects of the rhetoric of these collections of essays are analysed. In particular the question is asked: do these essays witness the development of a 'grammar' in terms of which South African New Testament scholarship can argue in a socially and theologically relevant manner within the changing South African context.
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E-mails proposing an "urgent business relationship" help make fraud Nigeria's largest source of foreign revenue after oil. But scams are also a central part of Nigeria's domestic cultural landscape. Corruption is so widespread in Nigeria that its citizens call it simply "the Nigerian factor." Willing or unwilling participants in corruption at every turn, Nigerians are deeply ambivalent about it--resigning themselves to it, justifying it, or complaining about it. They are painfully aware of the damage corruption does to their country and see themselves as their own worst enemies, but they have been unable to stop it. A Culture of Corruption is a profound and sympathetic attempt to understand the dilemmas average Nigerians face every day as they try to get ahead--or just survive--in a society riddled with corruption. Drawing on firsthand experience, Daniel Jordan Smith paints a vivid portrait of Nigerian corruption--of nationwide fuel shortages in Africa's oil-producing giant, Internet cafés where the young launch their e-mail scams, checkpoints where drivers must bribe police, bogus organizations that siphon development aid, and houses painted with the fraud-preventive words "not for sale." This is a country where "419"--the number of an antifraud statute--has become an inescapable part of the culture, and so universal as a metaphor for deception that even a betrayed lover can say, "He played me 419." It is impossible to comprehend Nigeria today--from vigilantism and resurgent ethnic nationalism to rising Pentecostalism and accusations of witchcraft and cannibalism--without understanding the role played by corruption and popular reactions to it.Some images inside the book are unavailable due to digital copyright restrictions.
Blog: Blog - Adam Smith Institute
Perhaps we should get really basic here. Economic growth is the new things we do. Can be doing old things in a newer and more efficient manner which frees up resources to then do other things as well. Can be doing something entirely new. But growth simply is those new and additional things.The rate of growth is therefore the speed at which we do those new things. The boss of National Grid has complained that it takes a decade to build a new power line in an attack on planning red tape.John Pettigrew, the company's chief executive, said that Britain's planning rules add seven years of delays to the construction time for cables.A planning system which triples the time necessary to do something new therefore slows economic growth. We are observant enough to note that there are many complaining about the speed of economic growth in the Britain of today. If we've a planning system that is a soul-sucking leech on the potential speed of economic growth then this could, we submit, be part of the problem. Our suggestion would therefore be to kill the Town and Country Planning Act 1947 and successors. Proper blow up, kablooie. We'd also insist that anyone who does not adopt this approach is not being serious about the slowdown in economic growth.Well?