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Purpose of the article. The article highlights the ties between the United Kingdom and Malta and it is shown that they are indissoluble. They run deep, go back centuries, and are founded on mutual respect in good times and bad. The author, Jesmond Grech, rightly dwells on the period from 1800, when the Royal Navy and the people of Malta struck up a friendship which was built to last throughout and beyond the period of British rule, and which embraced the Army and the RAF, through the dark years of World War II and to the present day. Today, Malta's self-evident European vocation and Britain's continuing friendship go band in the band. Among the visible signs are the English language, education choices, tourism, culture – including football – trade and investment. Not to mention Leyland buses, red pillar boxes, and phone kiosks, and abiding affection for things British. With the acquisition of Malta, the British had gained an indispensable Mediterranean naval base. The Grand Harbour area, especially the dockyard was given the utmost consideration. As technological developments constantly the Admiralty invested in the modernization of the harbour facilities. With the opening of the Suez Canal (1869) the naval traffic which passed through Malta on its way to or from India multiplied considerably. Consequently two docks, the Somerset Dock (1871) and the Hamilton Dock (1892) were constructed to meet the demands of heavier shipping. At Vittoriosa one can still see the hub of the Victualling Yard, the Naval Bakery. In this place the Navy's daily bread supplies were prepared by the use of steam-powered machinery. The building was constructed according to the design of William Scamp, a British architect and military engineer, between 1842 and 1845. Previously, the site served as the covered slipways from which the Order's ships were launched. Presently the building is the premises of the Maritime Museum and houses an interesting collection of naval memorabilia from Punic to modern times. In 1903 the construction of the breakwaters at the entrance of the Grand Harbour was commenced. The foundation stone of this project was laid by King Edward VII himself on April 20th 1903. Work on this massive construction project was to provide the livelihood to hundreds of workers and their families for the next three years. Consequently, the initial years of the 20th century augured well. Things, however, began to turn sour both in the local and international scene. Conclusions. The aim of the article is to highlight Malta`s benefit from increased defense spending by Britain. Although Malta remained heavily dependent on British military spending, successive British governors brought advances in medicine, education, industry and agriculture to Malta. The British legacy in Malta is evident in the widespread use of the English language in Malta today. English was adopted as one of Malta's two official languages in 1936, and it has now firmly replaced Italian as the primary language of tertiary education, business, and commerce in Malta.

Purpose of the article. The article highlights the ties between the United Kingdom and Malta and it is shown that they are indissoluble. They run deep, go back centuries, and are founded on mutual respect in good times and bad. The author, Jesmond Grech, rightly dwells on the period from 1800, when the Royal Navy and the people of Malta struck up a friendship which was built to last throughout and beyond the period of British rule, and which embraced the Army and the RAF, through the dark years of World War II and to the present day. Today, Malta's self-evident European vocation and Britain's continuing friendship go band in the band. Among the visible signs are the English language, education choices, tourism, culture – including football – trade and investment. Not to mention Leyland buses, red pillar boxes, and phone kiosks, and abiding affection for things British. With the acquisition of Malta, the British had gained an indispensable Mediterranean naval base. The Grand Harbour area, especially the dockyard was given the utmost consideration. As technological developments constantly the Admiralty invested in the modernization of the harbour facilities. With the opening of the Suez Canal (1869) the naval traffic which passed through Malta on its way to or from India multiplied considerably. Consequently two docks, the Somerset Dock (1871) and the Hamilton Dock (1892) were constructed to meet the demands of heavier shipping. At Vittoriosa one can still see the hub of the Victualling Yard, the Naval Bakery. In this place the Navy's daily bread supplies were prepared by the use of steam-powered machinery. The building was constructed according to the design of William Scamp, a British architect and military engineer, between 1842 and 1845. Previously, the site served as the covered slipways from which the Order's ships were launched. Presently the building is the premises of the Maritime Museum and houses an interesting collection of naval memorabilia from Punic to modern times. In 1903 the construction of the breakwaters at the entrance of the Grand Harbour was commenced. The foundation stone of this project was laid by King Edward VII himself on April 20th 1903. Work on this massive construction project was to provide the livelihood to hundreds of workers and their families for the next three years. Consequently, the initial years of the 20th century augured well. Things, however, began to turn sour both in the local and international scene. Conclusions. The aim of the article is to highlight Malta`s benefit from increased defense spending by Britain. Although Malta remained heavily dependent on British military spending, successive British governors brought advances in medicine, education, industry and agriculture to Malta. The British legacy in Malta is evident in the widespread use of the English language in Malta today. English was adopted as one of Malta's two official languages in 1936, and it has now firmly replaced Italian as the primary language of tertiary education, business, and commerce in Malta.

Describes the legal and constitutional provisions for the head of state under the Commonwealth system, using governorship of the Australian state of Victoria as an example.

The social context of land endowed for the maintenance of temples in the Kandyan region of Sri Lanka has long been recognized by scholars as an important topic for historical and sociological research. Most historical writing on the subject is concerned with changes in government policy towards temple endowments after the imposition of British control in 1815. The first forty years of British rule have received more attention than any later period; consequently emphasis has been placed on the gradual of process British disengagement from the pre-colonial policy of close official involvement in the administration of temple land. This research has fruitfully illustrated tensions inherent to colonial rule in the early nineteenth century, especially the conflict between the religious beliefs of the colonizers and the desire to avoid unrest among non-Christians. However, little detailed research has been carried out on either official or popular attitudes towards temple endowments after the colonial government formally gave up its responsibility for their administration in the middle of the nineteenth century. As a result, the uneven and partial official movement towards a reassertion of government control in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is usually portrayed as official recognition of earlier mistakes concerning disestablishment. This view does not take into account the considerable economic importance of the endowments. Changing official attitudes towards religion, as well as internal developments within Buddhism, did indeed influence government policy, but changes in economic policy and in the control and use of land were also important.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Plates and Maps -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: Governors and Colonial Political Culture -- 1 The Theoretical Structure of Authority: British and Colonial Constitutional Writers -- 2 Ceremonies: The Visible Structure of Authority -- 3 Brisbane and the Ideal of Personal Government -- 4 Darling and Bourke -- 5 Contemporary Reflections upon Personal Government -- 6 The Hero in Upper Canada: Sir John Colborne -- 7 The Dispute between Colborne and Mackenzie on the Nature of Politics -- 8 Public Ideas and Private Virtues in the Governorship of Sir George Gipps -- 9 Metcalfe and Images of Authority in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Canada -- 10 A Triptych of New Zealand Governors: Fitzroy, Grey and Browne -- 11 Elgin: The Governor as the Body Politic -- Appendix: Biographical Notes on Governors -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- Plate Sections.

Murray MacLehose, the 25th Governor of Hong Kong, was the longest-serving Governor in the history of Hong Kong. MacLehose proposed and implemented a series of policies that brought significant reforms to Hong Kong. These reforms included housing, transportation, anti-corruption, welfare, and education. The reforms did not only improve people's living standards, but also created for Hong Kong people a sense of belonging to the colony. While the mainstream of Hong Kong society claimed MacLehose was a respected governor, was MacLehose's ten-year-governorship in actual fact praiseworthy? This article will revisit MacLehose's governorship and show that MacLehose was not as perfect as the locals think – he was even reluctant to implement some reforms, particularly political reforms, anti-corruption and social security. However, this was because he was trying to balance local and British interests within the colony. He indeed worked hard to perform his duty and defended well Hong Kong's interests during his governorship. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

Over the course of Sir James Wright's twenty-three year governorship of Georgia from 1760-1783, he went from a beloved political leader to a captive within his own home to the governor of a province in full rebellion. An examination of Wright's letters reveals major flaws in the British system of colonial administration on both local and imperial levels. These defects included the British Empire's inability to handle American transcolonial organization, its failure to respond to local needs while focusing on larger imperial goals, and its lack of resources that were spread too thinly over an empire that was too large. As they were so focused on imperial concerns, Wright's superiors neglected to send him adequate support, which left him unable to contain or respond to the rebellion at a local level. The faulty dynamic between local and imperial levels of government contributed to the British loss of Georgia, which may have been the least likely of the thirteen colonies to join in the rebellion.

Over the course of Sir James Wright's twenty-three year governorship of Georgia from 1760-1783, he went from a beloved political leader to a captive within his own home to the governor of a province in full rebellion. An examination of Wright's letters reveals major flaws in the British system of colonial administration on both local and imperial levels. These defects included the British Empire's inability to handle American transcolonial organization, its failure to respond to local needs while focusing on larger imperial goals, and its lack of resources that were spread too thinly over an empire that was too large. As they were so focused on imperial concerns, Wright's superiors neglected to send him adequate support, which left him unable to contain or respond to the rebellion at a local level. The faulty dynamic between local and imperial levels of government contributed to the British loss of Georgia, which may have been the least likely of the thirteen colonies to join in the rebellion.

Representative government ushered in a different range of opportunities by providing a new background for the evolution of political activity. A different set of men, or the same men in different guises, came forward: dramatic leadership changes took place in 1888-1889. Mizzi retired from active politics; he had been saying that , for personal reasons, he would retire, but he only did so after he had served for about a year as an unofficial member of the executive and the new constitution had been installed and somewhat improved. Strickland became chief secretary - 'the only Maltese gentleman', wrote General Torrens, who could fill that office 'to the satisfaction of Her Majesty's Government' - under the constitution for which he himself had worked. Savona made a triumphant return to the legislature, clearly intending to win back power through a different channel. The bishop of Gozo, Mgr. (and later Sir) Pietro Pace (1831-1914) became bishop of Malta: in 1888 Simmons obtained credentials from Salisburt for Strickland to negotiate with the Vatican about the vetoing of Bishop Buhagiar's succession; in this way Simmons was responsible for Pace's appointment, while Strickland was instrumental in laying the groundwork for future Anglo-Vatican consultations with regard to episcopal nominations in Malta. Simmons, like Mizzi, only relinquished his governorship after representative government had been effectively introduced. Mizzi's withdrawal from the Council left a vacuum which could not be easily filled by another politician. Still highly respected as a father figure and influential through his daily Malta newspaper, Mizzi was nevertheless absent from the Council. No one mand was able to fill the rile that he had. ; peer-reviewed

In Man in a Hurry: Murray MacLehose and Colonial Autonomy in Hong Kong, Ray Yep explores the latest available archival materials and re-examines MacLehose's pivotal governorship in Hong Kong (1971-1982). MacLehose arrived in the challenging 1970s, when there were expectations for social reforms, uneasiness in the relationship between Hong Kong and London, and the 1997 factor looming large. The governor successfully carried out various social reforms and he also handled various major issues, including the anti-corruption campaign, the Vietnamese refugee crisis, and the granting of land lease of the New Territories beyond 1997. Yep unveils the tension and bargaining between the British government and explains how interest of the colony could asserted, defended, and negotiated. This book is an important study of Hong Kong's 'golden years' when the city's economy took off. It is a significant contribution to our understanding of how local autonomy was defined.

Abstract
The penal outstation of Newcastle, New South Wales was an early nineteenth-century British experiment in secondary punishment. Its twenty years of operation from 1804 to 1821 encompassed the Rum Rebellion of 1807, the expansive governorship of Lachlan Macquarie and a population boom of convicts and free settlers following the Napoleonic wars. Defined by contemporary methods of corporal punishment, penology and martial law, it would establish itself as a productive hard labour settlement that at various times provided the new colony – especially Sydney Town – with coal, timber, salt and building lime. It was also a uniquely intimate and human world that housed, fed, broke and occasionally redeemed its motley crew of gaolers and reoffending convicts, whose original population of 100 peaked at a 1000 by 1820. It is also the setting for 'The Heat of Deeds', a creative nonfiction, true crime narrative experiment by Dr Murray, which reconstructs the incomplete, archival traces of some of its residents into stories grounded in the squalor, violence, resilience, desperation and grace of the lived, convict experience. The following extract refers to the outstation's final years as a penal facility.

La colonia de Puerto Soledad en las islas Malvinas, guarnecida de 1767 a 1811 por tropas españolas, constituía una de las posesiones más remotas y aisladas de la Monarquía Española. Aunque la existencia de la misma ha sido escasamente estudiada, era considerada en la época de gran importancia estratégica para el control de la América meridional y el paso por el Cabo de Hornos. En este artículo se reconstruye la vida y características de la colonia, estudiando el mandato del futuro virrey y ministro de Marina Francisco Gil y Lemos a la cabeza de la misma. Se trata de años clave para su configuración definitiva, en los que, debido a las condiciones climatológicas extremas, se abandonó definitivamente el proyecto de establecer una colonia de población en las islas, reformándose su estructura de gobierno para convertir Puerto Soledad en un presidio destinado exclusivamente a garantizar la soberanía de España sobre el archipiélago. Son asimismo años clave para determinar la soberanía de las islas, ya que hasta 1776 existió una delicada cohabitación con la factoría británica de Port Egmont, que sería definitivamente abandonada por los ingleses durante el gobierno de Francisco Gil y Lemos.The colony of Puerto Soledad in the Falkland Islands, garrisoned by Spain from 1767 to 1811, was one of the most remote and isolated possessions of the Spanish Empire. Despite the fact that it was considered of the utmost strategic importance at the time, it has scarcely received any serious attention. This article studies the characteristics of and daily life in the colony, analysing the governorship of the future Viceroy and First Lord of the Spanish Admiralty Francisco Gil y Lemos. During his years as Governor, plans for the establishment of a permanent civilian settlement in the Falklands were finally dropped due to the extreme climatic conditions on the islands, and Puerto Soledad assumed its definitive role as a purely military outpost intended solely to reassert Spanish sovereignty over the archipelago. Until the evacuation of Port Egmont by British forces in 1776, Francisco Gil y Lemos' governorship also coincided with a period of difficult cohabitation between Spain and Great Britain in the Falklands.

Preface - H. Kumarasingham -- Chapter 1: Viceregalism - H. Kumarasingham -- Chapter 2: The Crown and Conservative Party Leadership: The Political Crisis of 1963 in Britain -Pippa Catterall -- Chapter 3: Sovereigns, Sovereignties and the Scottish Question: Identities and Constitutional Change - James Mitchell -- Chapter 4: 'A Supreme and Permanent Symbol of Executive Authority': The Crown and Governorship in Northern Ireland in an Age of 'Troubles' - Donal Lowry -- Chapter 5: Viceregal Crises in Nkrumah's Ghana - A. J. Stockwell -- Chapter 6: 'A Quaint and Unimportant Anachronism?' The Office of Governor General and Constitutional Controversies in the Commonwealth Caribbean - Kate Quinn -- Chapter 7: The Radical Nationalist as National Figurehead: Nnamdi Azikiwe and the end of Nigeria's Westminster Constitution, 1960-66 - Barnaby Crowcroft -- Chapter 8: The Queen of Rhodesia versus the Queen of the United Kingdom: Conflicts of Allegiance in Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence - Donal Lowry -- Chapter 9: The Eastminster Viceroy and the Republican Monarch: The Sri Lankan Head of State and the 2018 Constitutional Crisis in Historical Context - Asanga Welikala -- Chapter 10: The Rulers and the Centrality of Conventions in Malaysia's 'Eastminster' Constitution - Andrew Harding -- Chapter 11: Kerr's Ghost: The Office of Governor-General in Australia after 1975 - Mark McKenna -- Chapter 12: The Struggle to Reform Brunei's Monarchy: The Sultan and the British - Kevin YL Tan -- Chapter 13: The Race to the Palace from Tuvalu: What Happens when a Prime Minister and a Governor-General Try to Dismiss Each Other? - Anne Twomey -- Chapter 14: Viceregalism at Westminster: The Role and Powers of the Queen in the 2019 Brexit Constitutional Crises - H. Kumarasingham.