Suchergebnisse

Abstract The article discusses the issue of nuclear-propelled submarines as a nuclear non-proliferation question, addresses the issue of safeguards procedures and arrangements, and suggests a broader, political approach to allay international concerns. Such safeguards arrangement would set the precedent for future arrangements, and particularly if integrated into a more comprehensive approach, might strengthen Brazil's hand in nuclear negotiations, including on disarmament.

ABSTRACT This article discusses the ambiguities of Brazil regarding the nuclear area during the administrations of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. To do so, the text uses the speeches of important politicians and members of government bodies to analyze the erratic positioning of Brasília in the face of the commitments made with Argentina since the Quadripartite Agreement (1991) and the founding of the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC). Other source categories used are newspaper articles - Brazilian and international - and confidential files leaked by the non-governmental organization WikiLeaks. Finally, it is sought to evaluate the role of ABACC as an instrument to sustain the Argentinian "strategic patience" within the framework of the sensitive nuclear area.

July 18 marks the 20th anniversary of the Agreement Between the Republic Argentina and the Federative Republic of Brazil for the Exclusively Peaceful Utilization of Nuclear Energy. Through this agreement, Argentina and Brazil jointly renounced the development, possession and use of nuclear weapons, affirmed their unequivocal commitment to the exclusively peaceful use of nuclear energy and created the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) in order to monitor the commitments made. Adapted from the source document.

FrontMatter -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Introduction -- Workshop Background -- Workshop Context -- Overviews of the International Nuclear Nonproliferation Context -- International Political Efforts to Address the Dangers of Nuclear Weapons and Materials -- The Legal and Regulatory Context for MPC&A -- Safeguards Culture -- IAEA Nonproliferation and MPC&A Programs -- Domestic MPC&A Programs -- Concluding Remarks -- Appendix A Workshop Participants List -- Appendix B Workshop Agenda.

Nuclear material accounting (NMA) is the only safeguards system whose benefits are routinely quantified. Process monitoring (PM) is another safeguards system that is increasingly used, and one challenge is how to quantify its benefit. This paper considers PM in the role of enabling frequent NMA, which is referred to as near-real-time accounting (NRTA). We quantify NRTA benefits using period-driven and data-driven testing. Period-driven testing makes a decision to alarm or not at fixed periods. Data-driven testing decides as the data arrives whether to alarm or continue testing. The difference between period-driven and datad-riven viewpoints is illustrated by using one-year and two-year periods. For both one-year and two-year periods, period-driven NMA using once-per-year cumulative material unaccounted for (CUMUF) testing is compared to more frequent Shewhart and joint sequential cusum testing using either MUF or standardized, independently transformed MUF (SITMUF) data. We show that the data-driven viewpoint is appropriate for NRTA and that it can be used to compare safeguards effectiveness. In addition to providing period-driven and data-driven viewpoints, new features include assessing the impact of uncertainty in the estimated covariance matrix of the MUF sequence and the impact of both random and systematic measurement errors.

El presente trabajo pretende reseñar el proceso de cooperación en materia nuclear entre la República Argentina y la República Federativa del Brasil durante los últimos veinte años, señala los objetivos cumplidos y pendientes de dicho proceso y plantea algunos posibles escenarios de su futura evolución. Reflejando características históricas de la relación bilateral, Argentina y Brasil albergaron inicialmente mutuas sospechas sobre los verdaderos propósitos de los respectivos programas nucleares. Sin embargo, y a medida que ambos países avanzaron en el dominio de esta tecnología, se fueron creando las condiciones para la cooperación. Los gobiernos democráticos impulsaron la integración bilateral, incluyendo sus aspectos nucleares. El gradual aumento de la confianza recíproca permitió dar un rumbo decisivo a la convergencia nuclear, lo que se consagró mediante una política nuclear común y la aplicación de controles mutuos. Resta aún avanzar en la complementación empresarial en materia nuclear. ; This article intends to highlight the co-operation process in nuclear affairs between the Argentine Republic and the Federative Republic of Brazil in the last twenty years. It indicates both the accomplished and unaccomplished objectives, and presents some possible scenarios for its future evolution. Mirroring the historical characteristic of their bilateral relations, Argentina and Brazil were initially suspicious about the real purposes of their nuclear programs. However, as both countries developed control over this sort of technology, the conditions for co-operation were established. The democratic governments promoted bilateral integration, including nuclear affairs. The gradual growth of reciprocal trust allowed for the nuclear convergence to follow a decisive trend, manifested in a common nuclear policy and the application of mutual controls. Nonetheless, progress in business complementation in the nuclear sector is still to be developed. ; Sección Estudios. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

"Epistemic communities represent networks of knowledge-based experts that help articulate cause-and-effect relationships of complex problems, define the self-interests of a state, or formulate specific policies for state decision makers. However, the role of these scientists and knowledgeable professionals in nuclear policy formulation is poorly understood. Thoroughly documented and making excellent use of source material, Politics and the Bomb provides refreshingly new empirical evidence and theoretical analysis of the importance of scientists and experts behind the creation of new non-proliferation agreements. Simply not another book on nuclear proliferation, Sara Z. Kutchesfahani explores the differences in the emergence, composition, and influence mechanisms of the epistemic communities behind the nuclear non-proliferation policy formulation in Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) and the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Program. In doing so she eloquently demonstrates how the role of these non-proliferation experts lead to the possibility of creating more effective non-proliferation policies in the future and hints at the need to sustain non-proliferation epistemic communities in all countries that can provide input to the global proliferation problem until it is solved"--

"Epistemic communities represent networks of knowledge-based experts that help articulate cause-and-effect relationships of complex problems, define the self-interests of a state, or formulate specific policies for state decision makers. However, the role of these scientists and knowledgeable professionals in nuclear policy formulation is poorly understood. Thoroughly documented and making excellent use of source material, Politics and the Bomb provides refreshingly new empirical evidence and theoretical analysis of the importance of scientists and experts behind the creation of new non-proliferation agreements. Simply not another book on nuclear proliferation, Sara Z. Kutchesfahani explores the differences in the emergence, composition, and influence mechanisms of the epistemic communities behind the nuclear non-proliferation policy formulation in Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) and the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Program. In doing so she eloquently demonstrates how the role of these non-proliferation experts lead to the possibility of creating more effective non-proliferation policies in the future and hints at the need to sustain non-proliferation epistemic communities in all countries that can provide input to the global proliferation problem until it is solved"--