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When originally published, Charles Vincent's scholarship shed new light on the achievements of black legislators in the state legislatures in post-Civil War Louisiana-a state where black people were a majority in the state population but a minority in the legislature. Now updated with a new preface, this volume endures as an important work that illustrates the strength of minorities in state government during Reconstruction. It focuses on the achievements of the black representatives and senators in the Louisiana legislature who, through tireless fighting, were able to push forward many progressive reforms, such as universal public education, and social programs for the less fortunate. "Charles Vincent's book is a classic in the field of African American history-one of the ground-breaking works that helped pave the way for the scholarship that would follow." -John C. Rodrigue, author of Reconstruction in the Cane Fields: From Slavery to Free Labor in Louisiana's Sugar Parishes, 1862-1880 "Charles Vincent is a widely respected historian whose book remains an important revisionist look at the ways that blacks were not simply pawns or victims during Reconstruction, but shaped the terms of emancipation and the agendas of governments in the post-Civil War South." -Scott P. Marler, University of Memphis.

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll-call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll-call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll-call voting in the 104th-106th Congresses. Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models. Results. Even when the black district population & party are considered, the presence of an African-American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents. Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators & Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations & Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 37 References. Adapted from the source document.

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll‐call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll‐call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll‐call voting in the 104th–106th Congresses.Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models.Results. Even when the black district population and party are considered, the presence of an African‐American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents.Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress.

Scholarship on African American political participation—like research on political participation generally—has focused largely on the national-level preferences of citizens and policy makers. Considerably less attention has been paid to such dynamics in the American states. This article provides an introduction to Black legislative activity in the State of Arkansas with an eye on descriptive and substantive representation issues. Specifically, the article investigates the presence and role of Black Arkansans in the state's General Assembly in the post-1960s era of civil rights reforms, assessing their acquisition of legislative seats, their ascendancy to committee and chamber leadership positions, and—especially—their attempt to present an influential voting bloc. The article concludes that though African American legislators in Arkansas are disadvantaged by their small numbers, they have found other ways to exercise power in the state legislature.

Do redistricting & change in racial constituency lead to changes in roll-call voting by members of Congress across different issue dimensions? And is this change different depending on the type of the representative (black Democrat, white Republican, & white Democrat)? Previous scholars who have addressed questions of racial redistricting & policy change have typically focused on just one dimension of voting. To answer these questions, we look at districts that were redrawn following court cases invalidating southern black-majority districts in the mid-1990s. This sample of districts allows conclusions to be drawn about black legislators representing white-majority districts & white legislators representing districts with substantial black populations. We find that legislators will sometimes alter their roll-call voting behavior in multiple directions in order to appeal to both white & black constituents following redistricting. Specifically, we find that black legislators who take on whiter districts become more conservative on all roll-call votes, though they become more liberal when looking at just civil rights votes. White legislators are not as responsive to racial population change. 4 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Devolution and Black State Legislators -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. The State Link in the Chain -- 2. Race and Representation in State Legislatures -- 3. The Black Electoral Connection -- 4. When Identity and Constituency Collide at Roll Call -- 5. The Institutionalization of Black State Legislative Power -- 6. Black Legislators, Black Constituents, and the Devolution Revolution -- 7. Nationalizing Black State Interests -- 8. Devolutionary Dangers -- Appendix A: Underlying Data for Figures 3.2aand 3.2b -- Appendix B: Trends in AFDC/TANF Recipient Characteristics -- Appendix C: Methods for Reexamining Sticks and Carrots -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.