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The Natural Border tells the recent history of Mediterranean rural capitalism from the perspective of marginalized Black African farm workers. Timothy Raeymaekers shows how in the context of global supply chains and repressive border regimes, agrarian production and reproduction are based on fundamental racial hierarchies.Taking the example of the tomato—a typical 'Made in Italy' commodity—Raeymaekers asks how political boundaries are drawn around the land and the labor needed for its production, what technologies of exclusion and inclusion enable capitalist operations to take place in the Mediterranean agrarian frontier, and which practices structure the allocation, use and commodification of land and labor across the tomato chain. While the mobile infrastructures that mobilize, channel, commodify and segregate labor play a central role in the 'naturalization' of racial segregation, they are also terrains of contestation and power—and thus, as The Natural Border demonstrates, reflect the tense socio-ecological transformation the Mediterranean border space is going through today

Southern and South African labor history has, at least since the 1970s, been as much about the future of the region as about its past. Liberal scholars saw in apartheid and segregation irrational aberrations to the color-blind logic of capitalism. They believed the apartheid state to be an instrument of racial dominance but saw it as more or less neutral in terms of class relations. Economic growth and the abolishment of racial laws would bring freedom and equality—or at least equal opportunities. On the other hand, radical historians and sociologists thought of apartheid as a system that guaranteed the exploitation of cheap black labor for the benefit of capital. For them, apartheid was functional to capitalism.2While both the liberal and the radical positions were often more nuanced than the other side would admit, the question that divided these two camps was one about politics and strategy: Would capitalist development bring an end to racial domination, or was it part of the problem? In the latter case, challenging apartheid and colonialism would also involve challenging capitalism. The vibrancy of these debates should continue to serve as an inspiration for labor historians. I will argue that for the Left to be able to formulate viable alternatives to present policies, we should look at the history and nature of labor and inequality in the region.

Discusses black workers & the global economy, (1) placing African Americans in the context of the US labor movement, highlighting difficulties involved for workers of color to lead whites, & (2) depicting the global economy in terms of how international exploitation violates the principles of equality, peace, & democracy & disproportionately injures the world's poor. It is recommended that African American workers enter the debate as major players to initiate regulatory measures that check capitalist exploitative ventures both at home & abroad. T. Noland

Reacting to the intensified contradictions of the capitalist food system, many agrarian activists seek to revitalize family labor farms, to make agriculture ecologically sustainable, to renew the social and economic life of rural communities, and to create an unalienated labor process. While the agrarian movement is fragmented along lines of ideology, issue priorities and tactics, it is fundamentally in the populist tradition. This problematic of neo-populism, with its contradictory progressive and petty bourgeois tendencies, provides the context for an analysis of production relations on Maine's organic farms. The division of labor and decision-making authority on these farms is shown to conform closely to the age-old pattern of male dominance. Evidence from a survey of small commercial organic farms suggests that most women face a "double," and some a "triple burden" of farm, household and off-farm labor; that their work is more proletarian than that of males; and that their contributions to the family's means of subsistence and capital accumulation are not systematically correlated with participation in farm decisions. These preliminary findings are not sufficient to argue that small organic farms are patriarchal or that women (and children and wage workers) are exploited. But that thesis is consistent with the data, suggesting that farms in the new agrarian movement are not likely to be a force for transformation of the relations of dominance and subordination that characterize both capitalism and petty commodity production.

In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the "frontier" of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of "floaters" during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between "meliorist middle class reformers", represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers' adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.

"The story of the driver is the story of Atlantic slavery. Starting in the seventeenth-century Caribbean, enslavers developed the driving system to solve their fundamental problem: how to extract labor from captive workers who had every reason to resist. In this system, enslaved Black drivers were tasked with supervising and punishing other enslaved laborers. In The Driver's Story, Randy M. Browne illuminates the predicament and harrowing struggles of these men-and sometimes women-at the heart of the plantation world. What, Browne asks, did it mean to be trapped between the insatiable labor demands of white plantation authorities and the constant resistance of one's fellow enslaved laborers? In this insightful and unsettling account of slavery and racial capitalism, Browne shows that on plantations across the Americas, drivers were at the center of enslaved people's working lives, social relationships, and struggles against slavery. Drivers enforced labor discipline and confronted the resistance of their fellow enslaved laborers, aiming to maintain a position that helped them survive in a world where enslaved people were treated as disposable. Drivers also protected the people they supervised, negotiating workloads and customary rights to essentials like food and rest with white authorities. Within the slave community, drivers helped other enslaved people create a sense of belonging, as husbands and fathers, as Big Men, and as leaders of diasporic African "nations." Sometimes, drivers even organized rebellions, sabotaging the very system they were appointed to support. Compelling and original, The Driver's Story enriches our understanding of the never-ending war between enslavers and enslaved laborers by focusing on its front line. It also brings us face-to-face with the horror of capitalist labor exploitation. While critics attacked the driving system as barbaric and backwards, in pushing workers to their utter limits it was, in fact, fundamentally modern-a stark example of what historian Walter Rodney called capitalism without its loincloth."

James Smith was orphaned at 11 years of age when both his parents died. Soon after he began following harvest labor from Tennessee, throughout the U.S. South, and across the American West. Like many itinerant youth, James lived a precarious life hopping trains to search for work. His journey sheds light on the consequences of being a young Black male looking for work, particularly in Alabama and Texas where he was captured and imprisoned for vagrancy. After surviving "hard labor" in southern jails, James followed farm labor into California. At this time, the cotton industries in the southern Cotton Belt declined as the political economy of cotton production in California became a global commodity. James arrived in California in the midst of the Great Depression, at a time when anti-vagrancy laws and border patrols were being strictly enforced due to the influx of indigent Southwestern migrants. Nearly everywhere James Smith looked for work, he was jailed. Seasonal harvest labor and racial hiring practices in California trapped James in a revolving door of short-term work and then punished him for being unemployed. Thus, The Trap maps the role of the carceral state in restricting the mobility and labor of Black itinerant laborers during a national economic crisis. Throughout this study, the story of Black itinerant youth is unfolded to uncover the operation of agricultural capitalism, surplus labor, and imprisonment in California. Itinerant laborers were an excess labor force accessible when farm unions were on strike, yet neglected and subjected to exploitation in the private and public labor markets. The criminalization of unemployment funneled Black itinerant laborers into low wage work as a convenient, dispensable class of workers. Sometimes their labor was welcomed—other times, migrants were told "to disappear" or "float" out of regions. To survive, many committed non-violent, petty crimes to get by, which placed them in a never-ending cycle of incarceration and unfree labor. This thesis traces James' work and carceral history over eleven years. By the age twenty-three, he was convicted of a petty theft crime and sentenced to serve five years to life in San Quentin state prison in California.

The article examines the relationship between state action on the one hand, and social reality on the other hand, in the transformation of the countryside in early industrial South Africa. The specific focus in this respect is on the 1913 Natives Land Act. The study also investigates the dynamics behind the development of a capitalist agriculture, particularly the cyclical, unsustained pattern evident in the drive for accumulation and control of productive resources by whites. (DÜI-Hns)

Describes the experiences of Chinese workers in New York to argue that immigrants are crucial partners in the struggle to build a powerful labor movement for socialist transformation. The impact of indentured servitude on both the health/life of illegal Chinese immigrants & the wages of all workers is explored, along with hostility toward immigrants; their historical exclusion from working-class struggles; the effect of international migration on capitalist restructuring; the role of the state; & the failure of the American labor movement to organize Chinese immigrants working in garment sweatshops. The continuing pressure of emigration within the People's Republic of China is discussed & it is contended that the global economy has made it impossible for Chinese workers to escape, either inside their country, or as immigrant labor elsewhere. An assessment of the political potential of Chinese immigrant workers indicates that protecting this vulnerable segment of the working class from exploitation is essential both to prevent the US labor movement from backsliding into the conditions of 19th century capitalism & to forge a sustainable international labor movement. J. Lindroth

Describes the experiences of Chinese workers in New York to argue that immigrants are crucial partners in the struggle to build a powerful labor movement for socialist transformation. The impact of indentured servitude on both the health/life of illegal Chinese immigrants & the wages of all workers is explored, along with hostility toward immigrants; their historical exclusion from working-class struggles; the effect of international migration on capitalist restructuring; the role of the state; & the failure of the American labor movement to organize Chinese immigrants working in garment sweatshops. The continuing pressure of emigration within the People's Republic of China is discussed & it is contended that the global economy has made it impossible for Chinese workers to escape, either inside their country, or as immigrant labor elsewhere. An assessment of the political potential of Chinese immigrant workers indicates that protecting this vulnerable segment of the working class from exploitation is essential both to prevent the US labor movement from backsliding into the conditions of 19th century capitalism & to forge a sustainable international labor movement. J. Lindroth

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword: Why Black Marxism? Why Now? -- Preface: Unhushable Wit: Pedagogy, Laughter, and Joy in the Classrooms of Cedric J. Robinson -- Preface to the 2000 Edition -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part 1. The Emergence and Limitations of European Radicalism -- 1. Racial Capitalism: The Nonobjective Character of Capitalist Development -- Europe's Formation -- The First Bourgeoisie -- The Modern World Bourgeoisie -- The Lower Orders -- The Effects of Western Civilization on Capitalism -- 2. The English Working Class as the Mirror of Production -- Poverty and Industrial Capitalism -- The Reaction of English Labor -- The Colonization of Ireland -- English Working-Class Consciousness and the Irish Worker -- The Proletariat and the English Working Class -- 3. Socialist Theory and Nationalism -- Socialist Thought: Negation of Feudalism or Capitalism? -- From Babeuf to Marx: A Curious Historiography -- Marx, Engels, and Nationalism -- Marxism and Nationalism -- Conclusion -- Part 2. The Roots of Black Radicalism -- 4. The Process and Consequences of Africa's Transmutation -- The Diminution of the Diaspora -- The Primary Colors of American Historical Thought -- The Destruction of the African Past -- Premodern Relations between Africa and Europe -- The Mediterranean: Egypt, Greece, and Rome -- The Dark Ages: Europe and Africa -- Islam, Africa, and Europe -- Europe and the Eastern Trade -- Islam and the Making of Portugal -- Islam and Eurocentrism -- 5. The Atlantic Slave Trade and African Labor -- The Genoese Bourgeoisie and the Age of Discovery -- Genoese Capital, the Atlantic, and a Legend -- African Labor as Capital -- The Ledgers of a World System -- The Column Marked "British Capitalism" -- 6. The Historical Archaeology of the Black Radical Tradition

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today.

The globalization of production and its shift to low-wage countries is the most significant and dynamic transformation of the neoliberal era. Its fundamental driving force is what some economists call global labor arbitrage: the efforts by firms in Europe, North America, and Japan to cut costs and boost profits by replacing higher-waged domestic labor with cheaper foreign labor, achieved either through emigration of production or through immigration of workers. Global wage differentials, in large measure resulting from suppression of the free movement of labor, provide a distorted reflection of global differences in the rate of exploitation. The globalization of production is reflected in an enormous expansion of the power and reach of transnational corporations, with the great majority owned by capitalists resident in imperialist countries. The globalization of production has transformed not just the production of commodities but of social relations in general, and especially of the social relation that defines capitalism: the capital-labor relation, which is increasingly a relation between northern capital and southern labor. Adapted from the source document.

Shifts in Canada's immigration policy, most recently linked to the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) with the US and Mexico, have created an increased reliance on temporary migrant workers, who constitute a disposable workforce, driven from their own countries by the same forces of neoliberal capitalism which foster their super-exploitation in the Canadian labour market. In this article, the operation of two migrant worker programmes, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) and Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP), are considered in the context of the province of British Columbia. The various means by which migrant workers are maintained in a state of vulnerability, available as a pool of cheap labour but excluded from belonging to the nation, are discussed. The article concludes by examining examples and further possibilities of alliances across social movements in BC in order to advance the struggle for human dignity.

None of the award-winning films reviewed in this article has a blissful tone. In these films, we watch young girls in assembly lines producing all sorts of commodities in China as well as four hundred Chinese workers disassembling a coking plant in Germany. We are immersed in people's personal stories, such as a peasant woman forced to leave her farm and her lone hut, located in the area due to be submerged by the Three Gorges Dam project, and a sixteen-year-old girl learning to labor on a cruise ship along the Yangtze River. In most of the films we also meet managers, Chinese or foreign, who are concerned with nothing but maximizing profit through intense exploitation of labor. These films document how the massive force of modernization in a globalized world affects lives of common people in China. Their struggles with poverty, corrupt officials, and greedy business owners are displayed in sharp contrast to both shining metropolitan glory and rural banality. In this regard, the Canadian photographer Edward Burtynsky's photographs of China, as shown in the filmManufactured Landscapes, seem emblematic enough: Modernization in China has altered the trajectory of people's lives as well as the landscapes of their nation. This article discusses the issues embedded in the stories the seven documentaries present: the impact of global capitalism; the relations between national development and globalization; the conflicts between corporate social responsibility and profit-making; and the predicament of migrant workers and their human agency.