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This article aims to analyse Indonesia's policy of joining China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through a perspective of distribution in Islamic economics. The BRI project is one of the agendas of the Chinese government to expand economic hegemony in the international market. At the same time, the Indonesian government has a national development priority program (PSN). However, the state's finite financial condition and the stagnation of economic growth became an obstacle for the Indonesian government to realize the domestic infrastructure projects. Therefore, the Indonesian government requires a source of capital other than the state budget. One of the steps taken by the Indonesian government is to become part of BRI. Behalf of these difficulties and opportunities, how Islamic economics argue the Indonesian government policy especially on distribution perspective. To address the question, this article utilizes descriptive qualitative methods and the theory of distribution of Islamic economics. It was found that the Indonesian government's infrastructure policy is in line with the spirit of Islamic distribution to reduce income disparity by providing equal access to infrastructure for the communities. Beside BRI's open access and integration to regional countries and supported by the needs of China's domestic industrial raw materials, Indonesia is predicted to be the largest exporter of raw materials. The need to export these raw materials will also tend to be exploitative and contrary to Islamic principles. Therefore, to tackle that, this article recommends the formulation of policies that encourage an expansive domestic industry so that Indonesia is not only an exporter of raw materials but also an exporter of goods and services.

This study presents an attempt to scrutinize whether the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) promotes environmental degradation in BRI countries using panel data of 130 countries during the period 1990 to 2018. For this, we used carbon emission as a proxy variable to estimate environmental degradation. Taking BRI as a quasi-natural experiment this paper used a difference-in-difference approach to estimate the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on environmental degradation. The finding consistently shows that BRI has a significant impact on environmental degradation. Furthermore, economic growth shows a negative correlation with carbon emission and square term of GDP per capita presents that there is no evidence for the existence of the environment Kuznet curve hypothesis, however, this study established a U-shaped association between economic growth and [Formula: see text] emission, whereas, energy consumption and population shows a positive impact on carbon emission and financial development and trade openness reduce the carbon emission and these findings are robust to estimation approaches. The findings imply that BRI demands special attention from the Chinese Government and BRI participating countries to establish a new policy mechanism to enforce the standards globally to protect the carbon emission. The findings also suggest that governments should promote environment-friendly energy consumption and supportive energy infrastructure to tackle the issue of environmental degradation.

China's involvement in the Middle East steadily increased after it instituted economic reforms in the late 1970s. Now, China has a strong presence in the region; this has been further strengthened by the establishment of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the flagship foreign policy initiative of Xi Jinping, the president of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The objective of the current thesis is to analyze how China appeals to other countries through soft power in the context of the BRI. To this end, the thesis examines the BRI through debates on soft power in International Relations (IR). It takes Egypt and Saudi Arabia as a case study to assess the extent of soft power instruments used in these states. A literature review and expert interviews were conducted to address the aforementioned objective. The literature review elucidates the major IR theory of realism and the concept of soft power and its applicability to China's BRI. The expert interviews support a holistic interpretation of the findings by confirming or complementing them in the analysis section and providing further insight on challenges associated with the BRI and China's future relationships with Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The results of the analysis show that soft power plays a vital role in the BRI, but it is rather limited in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. As states like Egypt and Saudi Arabia strive to improve social welfare, their eagerness allows China to use the BRI to further this ambition. As commonly voiced, the aim of the BRI is to seek common ground while setting aside differences for prosperity to attract other nations to take part of the BRI and to make China as an attractive partner. In the context of the BRI, China deploys soft power in the political, economic, and cultural spheres. Based on the five cooperation objectives of the BRI, it can be established that the philosophy surrounding the policy of noninterference and neutrality is attractive to Egypt and Saudi Arabia in the political sphere. Moreover, economic soft power tools are also apparent in the BRI. According to the analysis, building partnerships on a win-win basis and leveraging participants to foster development are effective instruments of China's soft power. Moreover, the BRI promotes people-to-people exchange, which falls within the domain of culture and can be seen as a catalyst for soft power. Although China is starting from a low base, people in the Middle East are becoming more culturally aware of the country through BRI funded projects developed under the priority of people-to-people bonds (e.g., Confucius Institutes and other educational exchange programs). The paradigm that China seeks to create is apolitical, development-focused, and favorably distinguishable from that of rival powers. China's conduct on the international stage, which emphasizes multilateralism, neutrality, and noninterference, is intended to bolster this paradigm and portray China as not only benign but also a responsible global leader in the Middle East. This study contributes to the existing literature on China's soft power strategy and provides a basis for understanding China's charm strategy towards the Middle East through the BRI. Furthermore, this work lays the foundation for future research on China's application and interpretation of soft power through the BRI. There is a clear need for further research on new developments in upcoming years to assess whether China's promises will bear fruit for the countries involved and whether China's influence in the Middle Eastern region will increase or decrease.

Chinas Aufstieg verändert zweifelsfrei die globale Machtverteilung. Doch wie transformiert die Volksrepublik ihren wachsenden Machtanspruch in politisches Handeln und welche Auswirkungen lassen sich schon heute in der chinesischen Nachbarschaft erkennen? Im vorliegenden Buch werden die chinesischen Aktivitäten in Tadschikistan, Turkmenistan und Iran empirisch analysiert. Im Kern steht die Frage, ob der wachsende Handelsaustausch, der Anstieg chinesischer Investitionen sowie die Intensivierung militärischer Kooperationen, mit einer Zunahme von politischem Einfluss Chinas in den Ländern Zentral- und Südasiens einhergehen. Das Buch soll die internationale Debatte um Chinas Machtausdehnung mit empirischen Erkenntnissen anreichern.

AbstractionBilateral relations between Indonesia and China have been established since the past, and have experienced ups and downs. After the reform period, bilateral relations were re-woven, beginning with the recognition of the religion of Konghucu as the official religion in Indonesia by President Abdurrahman Wahid, and imlek becoming a holiday and national holiday. Bilateral relations intensified in the government of President Jokowidodo, with the cooperation policy of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The policy raises hopes and concerns at the same time. The author will discuss related to the theme including: first, what is meant by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Second, discussing Islamic economics, thirdly, how government policy is against the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and fourth, government policy on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the Islamic economic paradigm. The analysis uses the concept of maslahah in maqashid sharia.Keywords: policies, Belt and Road Initiative, welfare (falah) maslahah, shariaAbstraksiHubungan bilateral Indonesia dan China sudah terjalin sejak masa lampau, serta mengalami pasang surut. Setelah masa reformasi, hubungan bilateral kembali dirajut, diawali dengan pengakuan agama konghucu sebagai agama resmi di Indonesia oleh Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid, dan imlek menjadi hari raya dan libur nasional. Hubungan bilateral semakin meningkat dipemerintahan Presiden Jokowidodo, dengan kebijakan kerjasama Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Kebijakan tersebut menimbulkan harapan dan sekaligus kekhawatiran. Artikel ini akan membahas berkaitan dengan tema tersebut diantaranya: pertama apakah yang di maksud dengan Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Kedua, membahas ekonomi syariah, ketiga, bagaimana Kebijakan pemerintah Terhadap Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), dan keempat, Kebijakan pemerintah Terhadap Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) dalam Paradigma ekonomi syariah. Analisis menggunakan konsep maslahah dalam maqashid syariah.Kata kunci: kebijakan, Belt and Road Initiative, kesejahteraan (falah) maslahah, syariah

RESUMO Após o final da Guerra Fria, muitos analistas passaram a analisar a forma pela qual o sistema internacional se estruturaria. Dentre esses, destaca-se a contribuição de Edward Luttwak que cunhou o termo geoeconomia para ressaltar as tendências do sistema internacional, na qual as rivalidades interestatais seriam crescentemente moldadas por instrumentos comerciais e econômicos. A Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) pode ser analisada como mais um projeto geoeconômico criado para atender as demandas internas da economia chinesa e, ao mesmo tempo, garantir a projeção internacional do país. Trata-se de uma estratégia de inserção internacional recorrente na história chinesa que fundamenta o desenvolvimento econômico a partir de uma leitura sobre os condicionantes da competição geopolítica internacional.Palavras-Chave: Geoeconomia; Desenvolvimento Econômico; China. ABSTRACTAfter the end of the Cold War, analysts began to analyze how the international system would be structured. These contributions include the Edward Luttwak's, who coined the term geoeconomics to analyze the trends in the international system. Interstate rivalries would be increasingly influenced by commercial and economic instruments. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) can be viewed as another geo-economic project designed to meet the demands of economy as well as to ensure the China's international projection. It is a strategy of recurrent international insertion in Chinese history, in which economic development is based on the conditions of international geopolitical competition.Keywords: Geoeconomics; Economic Development; China.Recebido em: 20 dez. 2019 | Aceito em: 25 mai. 2020.

Abstract
This article re-examines China's proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) taking into account historical and philosophical narratives. It assumes that the BRI has crucial strategic implications; in particular, that it is not as altruistic as claimed but rather a self-interested proposal aiming to restore China's grandeur and influence. The Chinese Dream (中國夢) and the concept of Tianxia (天下), 'all under heaven') are discussed to illustrate how the initiative is 'marketed'. It ends with an interpretation of the impacts that the BRI might have on other parts of the world.

International cooperation in the health sector has been a firm component of Chin's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for over five years. Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Chinese leadership has been promoting this aspect of the initiative ("health silk road") as essential to building a "global community of common destiny". The pandemic has revealed the strengths of the BRI and the way it functions. China's health diplomacy is farsighted and strategic. Beijing has been linking measures to com­bat the Covid-19 pandemic in aid recipient countries with the prospect of post-pandemic cooperation within the BRI framework. Above all, Beijing wants to be per­ceived internationally as a "responsible great power". The West's often narrow focus on the qualitative defects of Chinese aid fails to recognise that, in the absence of traditional aid donors, Beijing has supported many third countries effectively and extensively. To counter China's increasing influence in regions that are strategically important for Germany and Europe, greater sensitivity is needed to the geopolitical implications of the pandemic, as well as specific Euro­pean proposals for third countries for the post-pandemic period. In parallel with more commitment at the multilateral level (for instance within the World Health Organisation, WHO), other options include strengthening bilateral initiatives (e.g. via regional EU+x formats) and coordination with the new US government under Joe Biden. (author's abstract)

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), labelled as the world's largest infrastructure program, has so far directed investments mainly to energy and transportation networks in Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. Since its launch, the BRI has changed significantly in terms of scale, stakeholders, and investment sectors and continues to evolve, also in light of the COVID-19 crisis. However, so far, there is no systematic and comprehensive analysis of how it might look like in the medium-term future (2035), even though academic literature on the BRI is burgeoning. We address this research gap and apply a scenario method with a 2 × 2 matrix, building on insights from ∼40 qualitative interviews with representatives from business, non-profit and public sectors from China and BRI countries, complemented by desk research of press and academic articles. We conceptualise the BRI alongside its degree of economic globalisation and multilateralism, which are both impacted by the global pandemic response. We arrive at the four scenarios Asian, Vibrant, Irrelevant, and International BRI. These scenarios show that different development are possible with the BRI's geographical scope, the investment volumes and sectors, the funding structure, and also the orientation towards sustainability. These post-pandemic pathways of the BRI might help decision-makers in business and politics to prepare their responses and strategies. The scenarios can also inform the academic debate around conceptualising the BRI and provide a qualitative basis for future quantitative impact assessments.

Under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China focuses on the ASEAN as part of land bridge connecting China to Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean, and the China-Indochina Peninsula Corridor sea route that is the comprehensive sea route between China, South China Sea, Indian Ocean, and Europe. On the other hand, ASEAN member nations regard the BRI as an avenue to improve connectivity with their poor infrastructure development which will generate trade and investment increase in the region particularly through improved logistics. Accordingly, ASEAN member nations are keen to develop their infrastructure projects in collaboration with Chinese companies and funding agencies mainly in the forms of joint venture. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates that the total infrastructure investment needs in the ASEAN from 2016 to 2030 will be between USD 2.8 trillion with baseline estimate to USD 3.1 trillion with climate adjusted estimate. This paper aims to argue how China and the ASEAN can be interacted by the BRI and what are impacts of the BRI on the region. Furthermore, it analyzes which roles do the BRI play in building the region between China and the ASEAN member nations. Last, but not least, it also focuses on Chinese national strategy how to implement the BRI in the region.
Received: 25 August 2021Accepted: 18 November 2021

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one of the noteworthy initiatives of the Chinese government. It has been intended to interface neighboring 65 nations to enhance inter-regional international trade. This research focused on China and South Asia international trade under BRI framework. South Asian nations share pretty much the equivalent social and social foundation. From the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) the initiative for trade connectivity has started in this sub-region. Later several trade agreements came into force. In this present research, researchers uncovered present trade integration with China and South Asian countries. To estimate results we have applied gravity model equation. Estimated results support that BRI has a positive and significant impact on trade Integration among China and South Asia. The significance level of P-value falls below 1%. For data analysis, several databases have been utilized likewise, UN-Comtrade, World Bank, World Integrated Trade Solution (WITS), etc. Data analysis part has done with the application of Stata.