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In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 44, Heft 2, S. 364-365
ISSN: 1036-1146
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 147-148
ISSN: 0004-9522
In: http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13722
From Federation until the onset of the Pacific War, Australia looked anxiously north towards Japan. Its contact with Japan during this period was predominantly characterised by fear, which manifested itself in almost all dealings with Japan. However, this was tempered by the realisation, in some senior quarters, of the value of developing a viable trade relationship with the emerging Pacific Power. Australia ' s mistrust of Japan framed relations between the two countries. Its restrictive immigration policies were partly a response to Australia's fear of Japan and the Asian 'other'. Australia's identity as a white outpost of Britain affected its perceptions of Japan, while its 'White Australia' policy was insulting to the Japanese. Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 led Australia to feel increasingly vulnerable. This feeling of insecurity persisted, despite its alliance with Japan in WWI. Following the war, Australia's opposition to Japan's racial equality proposal in 1919 demonstrated its suspicion of Japan. The Australian government believed that this was a Japanese attempt to undermine the 'White Australia' policy. Trade was a central theme in Australia's relationship with Japan. The Australian Goodwill Mission · to Japan in 1934 under the leadership of the Minister for External Affairs, John Latham, was a positive development and offset Australian anxiety for a short time. The visit highlighted the growing importance of trade with Japan. However, the Trade Diversion policy of 1936 demonstrated the strength of Australia's imperial ties and its general mistrust of the quality of Japanese goods. This was a system of trade preference for countries belonging to the British Empire. The resulting exclusion of Japanese imports severely damaged Australia-Japan relations. During the 1930s and early 1940s, Australia saw Japan as an increasingly large threat to its security. Japan's military aggression in China and the outbreak of war in Europe in 1939 increased Australia's suspicion of the seemingly expansionist 13 Japan, particularly following the advent of Japan's so-called 'Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. ' The archival record shows that during this period Australian officials were anxious about possible Japanese moves against Australian interests in the Pacific, as well as the possibility of an attack on Australia itself. These primary sources provide an intimate insight into the apprehension of Australian officials. Notwithstanding its concerns, Australia's primary objective in the years preceding the outbreak of war was to avoid provocations of Japan. The establishment of an Australian legation in Tokyo in 1940 was a milestone in Australia's direct communication with regional governments. However, it must be seen as a facet of Australia's continued conciliation. Right up to 1941, Australian Government statements were pacific, as it sought to avoid any action that might draw Japan into the war on the side of the Axis. Despite its efforts, war fmally came in early December 1941 with Japanese attacks on Hong Kong, the Philippines, Malaya and the American naval base at Hawaii. Australia declared war on Japan on December 8 1941 through its Tokyo legation.
BASE
In: ANZSOG
Offers a comprehensive study of the development of the central institution of government over the first century of its life. Based on the author's research and 30 years' experience writing about central government in Australia, this book provides an understanding of both the history and the working of the institution
First published in 1975.This volume presents the documentary evidence for understanding the evolution of China's foreign relations since the inauguration of the People's Republic in 1949. Over seventy documentary extracts cover the years 1949-1947. They include selections from statements and reports, conference resolutions, the speeches of Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai and other Chinese leaders, and editorials from People's Daily and Red Flag. Western commentators such as Edgar Snow and Neal Ascherson are also represented, however most of the material is from Chinese sources. Particular attention
First published in 1975. This volume presents the documentary evidence for understanding the evolution of China's foreign relations since the inauguration of the People's Republic in 1949. Over seventy documentary extracts cover the years 1949-1947. They include selections from statements and reports, conference resolutions, the speeches of Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai and other Chinese leaders, and editorials from People's Daily and Red Flag. Western commentators such as Edgar Snow and Neal Ascherson are also represented, however most of the material is from Chinese sources. Particular attention.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 277, Heft 1, S. 213-223
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, S. 213-223
ISSN: 0002-7162
In: The Oxford Handbook of the International Relations of Asia
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Band 36, Heft 144, S. 386-394
ISSN: 1474-029X
This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses intergovernmental relations of local governments in Australia. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Australia. To access the full version of the report on Australia, other practices regarding intergovernmental relations of local governments and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.
BASE
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH
ISSN: 1467-8497
Although the early Federation has been characterised as a "dependency," some items in the existing literature suggest the exertion by the Commonwealth of a degree of initiative in foreign policies in the years before the Great War, notably with respect to trade, immigration, defence, and the Pacific region. This paper argues that—impelled by globalising forces—this initiative was also exercised in the emerging international sphere, a fact largely neglected in the literature heretofore. The examples discussed include in relation to global postal conventions, international radiotelegraphy, international safety conventions, and the collection of commercial and customs statistics according to agreed transnational standards. Dispatching plenipotentiary delegates to international meetings on its own account, the Commonwealth assumed the status of a separate and distinct state jurisdiction, joining the relevant international conventions in question and implementing their provisions where relevant through legislation.
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 181
ISSN: 1715-3379