Suchergebnisse

This is a historical-philosophical exploration of "scientistic anti-Islamism," which denotes the justification and expression of anti-Islamic contents through the exploitation of the concept of science. I first discuss, dissect, and disprove the underlying premise that Islam would be incompatible with science and cognates. Qur'anic anchoring of reason, the harmony of faith and knowledge in Islam, the civilizational-scientific influence of Islam to the West are the three major domains of my objections. Then, I contextualize some related core concepts that are knowledge, rationality, science and scientism to elucidate the issue. After a critical reading of Renan as a probable archetype of scientistic anti-Islamists, I introduce the promotors of scientistic anti-Islamism in the three distinct areas of methodology, worldview and politics. It emerges that scientistic anti-Islamism's main patrons are erroneous induction, rivalry of orthodoxies and political hegemony. Finally, I arrive at a definition of the basic characteristics of "scientistic anti-Islamism."

Abstract
The paper deals with the way that the Czech extremist – as well as the mainstream – politicians use to frame the issues related to Moslem migration. The paper seeks to find the answer to a situation of successful use of anti-Islam and anti-immigrant campaigning in the country, which is neither a destination country nor an important transit country for the migrants. The paper approaches the topic through the conceptual lenses of the concept of cognitive frames. By discursive analysis of selected Czech politicians' rhetoric in the period of 2015–2016, the authors show how politicians are constructing the cognitive frameworks on migrants and refugees, connecting these groups with radical Islam and the construct of danger, thus shifting the migration issue from the framework of international assistance and aid to securitized frameworks.

Reprinted: Far Eastern Econ R 23:260-3 Ag 29 '57.

The failure of Western models of economic relations and governance gave rise to calls for authentic, culturally appropriate alternatives in Central Asia—and the tapping of anti-American themes. In their recruitment efforts, [Islamists used] Soviet-era anti-Americanism as a resource, increasingly presenting images of the United States and its allies in order to depict Islam as inherently peaceful, and the United States and its allies as inherently war-seeking.

TThe United Arab Emirates' (UAE) foreign policy has experienced substantial changes since the beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. This paper describes the characteristics and main reasons of this transformation, as well as the possible consequences of a visible militaristic projection that goes beyond the limits of the Gulf region, the main scenario of Emirati diplomatic action until recently. Our framework takes into account, first of all, the traditional link between the United States and the UAE and how recent US administrations changed their perception about security in the Gulf; how Emir Mohammed bin Zayed has secured his grip over the country, and the relevance of his alliance with the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; the aim of neutralizing the democratic stream that emerged from the Arab revolutions and, from there on, the Emirati perception about how political Islam and particularly the current best represented by the Muslim Brotherhood was becoming the main beneficiary of the erosion of the traditional Arab regime. Moreover, this paper proposes that despite the convergence with Saudi Arabia in a number of scenarios, the UAE has kept a foreign policy based on its own interests, which strengthened its increasing role as a regional main contender in the Middle East. ; La política exterior de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU) ha experimentado un cambio sustancial desde el inicio de la denominada Primavera Árabe en 2011. Este artículo describe las características y razones principales de esta transformación, así como las posibles consecuencias de una proyección militar que rebasa los límites del golfo Árabe/Pérsico, hasta hace poco el principal ámbito de acción de la diplomacia emiratí. El enfoque toma en consideración, en primer lugar, la vinculación tradicional de EE. UU. con EAU y el cambio de percepción de las últimas Administraciones estadounidenses sobre la seguridad regional en el Golfo; la consagración del emir Mohammad ben Zayed como máximo dirigente de facto en el país y su alianza con el príncipe heredero saudí, Mohammed ben Salman; el ánimo de neutralizar la corriente democratizadora emanada de las revoluciones árabes y, a partir de ahí, la percepción emiratí de que el islam político, y en concreto la vertiente representada por los Hermanos Musulmanes, se estaba convirtiendo en el principal beneficiado de la erosión del régimen árabe tradicional. El artículo también propone que, a pesar de la convergencia con Arabia Saudí en numerosos escenarios, EAU ha mantenido una política exterior independiente basada en sus propios intereses, lo que ha reforzado su rol como principal contendiente en Oriente Medio.

This article explores the transition of Muhammad Barkatullah (1864–1927), a Muslim Indian living under British colonial rule, from an intellectual demanding imperial reform to an anti-British revolutionary. Although much of the scholarly literature has analyzed Barkatullah's revolutionary activities after the First World War, the focus of this article will be on the early period of his career from the 1880s until 1914. In examining his movements, writings, and connections with various networks in the context of major global events, this article argues, first, that his revolutionary turn took place in the context of a global conversation on race, empire, and religion from the 1880s until the lead-up to the Great War, and second, that his anti-colonial (inter)nationalism was coupled with his Pan-Islamism.