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THE NEW COLOMBIAN CONSTITUTION ATTEMPTS TO BUILD THE NATION NEITHER BY INTEGRATION NOR BY SEGREGATION BUT BY PURSUING UNITY THROUGH THE PRESERVATION OF ETHNIC DIVERSITY. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THIS INNOVATION REQUIRES A RADICAL CHANGE IN THE WAY IN WHICH AFRO-COLOMBIANS ARE PERCEIVED. IT ALSO ARGUES THAT WITHOUT THIS CHANGE, ITS IMPLEMENTATION WILL BE A SOURCE OF NEW FRICTION BETWEEN INDIANS AND AFRO-COLOMBIANS.

Considers the likely effect of the new Colombian constitution adopted in 1991 on race relations in that country, drawing on 1992 fieldwork among the Afro-Chacoans of Baudo & personal & varied involvement in constitutional reform. It is shown that Afro-Colombians have been largely invisible for the last 300 hundred years. Until the recent constitution was adopted, elites continued to insist that blacks were not a distinctive ethnic group, & the only true indigenous ethnic group in the country was Indian. To benefit from the constitutional changes, it is therefore incumbent on Afro-Chocoans to produce historical, demographic, economic, & cartographic studies that demonstrate their status as an ethnic group with claim to ancestral lands. To date, however, little of this work has been accomplished, & local government authorities continue to insist that only indigenous Indian groups may make claims on the basis of the new constitution. This continued racial invisibility has been accompanied by a neoliberalist economic agenda that has allowed private industry to further encroach on black ancestral lands. If this situation continues, it is likely that armed conflict will replace political negotiation in this region in the near future. 53 References. D. Ryfe

This paper seeks to address the reasons which have generated the lost of visibility and political representation of Afro-Colombians as an ethnic group, in a country which sees itself as being multicultural. Here we offer a tentative answer that questions the Colombian multiculturalism by the articulation of three explanatory elements: 1) the Afro-Colombian movement's fragility as a political actor; 2) the problematic essentialist definition of the afro-Colombian ethnic identity and its political use and; 3) the limits of the multiculturalism model when confronted with the complex Afro-Colombian case. We conclude with a criticism of the Colombian multiculturalism model and a consideration about what its present challenge is. ; El artículo se cuestiona sobre las razones que han generado la perdida de espacios de visibilidad y representación política de los afrocolombianos como grupo étnico, en un país que se reconoce como multicultural. Ofrecemos aquí una respuesta tentativa que cuestiona el multiculturalismo colombiano a través de la articulación de tres elementos explicativos: 1) la fragilidad del Movimiento Afrocolombiano como actor político; 2) la problemática definición esencializadora de la identidad étnica afrocolombiana y su instrumentalización política y; 3) los límites del multiculturalismo frente al complejo caso afrocolombiano. Terminamos con una crítica al multiculturalismo colombiano y una consideración sobre cuál es el reto a enfrentar actualmente.

While most fight books were presumably written by elites or socially-honoured martial classes, this article will explore a fight book of an Afro-Colombian martial arts style that emerged just six years after the abolition of slavery. The Afro-Colombian martial arts of grima emerged in the Cauca region during the era of slavery and trained its exponents to fight using the machete, azagaya, or unarmed body as weapons. Over the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, grima began to proliferate into over thirty unique styles, each with its own special choreographies and approaches to combat. As these styles multiplied, so too did the literary genre of grima manuscripts called cartillas de malicia, which recorded each style's techniques, pedagogy, and lineage. This article explores the historical context and purpose of a single cartilla de malicia in the grima style. This cartilla de malicia was of a style from the Caucaseco region of the Cauca, which was developed in 1858 and existed for well over a century.

Abstract:This article examines the different meanings that rights to land and culture hold in San Basilio de Palenque, an Afro-Colombian community whose "cultural space" was declared by the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to be intangible cultural heritage of humanity in 2005. I investigate how the language of rights—both communal and individual—operates simultaneously at various registers and is strategically put to work in distinct political spheres. Drawing from ethnographic field research conducted between 2009 and 2013, I argue that while communal rights are invoked to garner recognition from state and transnational organizations like UNESCO, individual rights, conceived as exclusive prerogatives, serve to mark hierarchical distinctions between community members. I examine the paradoxical coexistence of two contradictory claims: one of cultural cohesion and another of social hierarchy. I conclude by questioning how a more nuanced examination of rights discourses in Palenque might contribute to understanding the multiple meanings of rights, not simply across time or space but also in relation to their perceived strategic purpose.

This article builds upon the scholarship of Alina Helg and other historians working on questions of racial identity in Colombia, and the Caribbean section of that country more specifically. Colombia is unique in that its identity is indigenous, African, as well as European. Its Afro-Colombian elements are often overlooked by virtue of the mestizo identity that has dominated settlement of its Andean highlands around the capital, Bogota. Using technical and social reports from tourism development on Barù ; Island, near Cartagena, this article explores the Afro-Colombian communities that established themselves on the island in the wake of emancipation in the mid-19th century, as well as the efforts of these communities to protect their rights. I also examine recent Constitutional Court decisions supporting the rights of Afro-Colombian communities like those on Barù ; against the developmental ambitions of governmental and private tourism developers who were intent on transforming the island into a mass tourism destination. The article concludes that recent legal shifts towards protecting Afro-Colombian rights secured a recent victory in favor of the islanders vis-à ; -vis designs of the state to impose its vision of global tourism development there.

Frontmatter -- contents -- acknowledgments -- abbreviations and acronyms -- introduction introduction: Black Social Movements and Development in the Making -- 1 Afro-Colombian Ethnicity: From Invisibility to the Limelight -- 2 "The El Dorado of Modern Times": Economy, Ecology, and Territory -- 3 "El Ruido Interno de Comunidades Negras": The Ethno-Cultural Politics of the pcn -- 4 "Seeing with the Eyes of Black Women": Gender, Ethnicity, and Development -- 5 Displacement, Development, and Afro-Colombian Movements -- appendix a. transitory article 55 -- appendix b. law 70 of 1993: Outline and Salient Features -- notes -- references -- index

Bogotá, Colombia is one of the largest migrant-receiving cities in the Americas, and in the last two decades, the city has received an influx of over one million people displaced by internal violent political conflicts. Currently, the Afro-Colombian population constitutes approximately 10% of the total population, but continues to be highly concentrated in the lowest socioeconomic strata in the Pacific region of Colombia. Informal vending in Bogotá is comprised of primarily rural and/or internally displaced migrants, including Afro-Colombians and indigenous populations who journey to large urban centers in search of better education and income opportunities and a higher quality of life. In this paper, I argue that Afro-Colombians endure higher marginality and discrimination as street vendors than self-identified as mestizos. Thus, Black bodies are multiple marked by discourses of crime, displacement, and undesirability in public spaces. In addition, street vending in Bogotá is understood by urban scholars as well as the local state as a classed struggle, this understanding through class effectively deracializes the informal vending landscape, while also further reifying the invisibility of Black racialized bodies in Bogotá's equality discourses. The failure to recognize the diverse racial makeup of informal vendors and understanding these struggles only through class obscure the social and economic realities encountered by racialized bodies in public space.

This paper speaks across the divide between feminist theorists and praxis-oriented gender experts to argue for a more enabling reading of postcolonial feminist critiques of gender and development. Drawing on the activism of Afro-Colombian women in the Pacific Lowlands of Colombia – most especially Matamba y Guasá, a network of black women's organizations from the state of Cauca – it brings attention to the independent ability of women in these locations to reflect and act on their own realities and claims.

The Afro-Colombian people resisted against racism and capitalism in northern Cauca, by articulating their processes of struggle with indigenous and peasant communities. The intercultural relationship of resistance was strengthened in recent decades thanks to the internal dynamics of community organization and the creation of the Interethnic and Intercultural Territorial Council of Northern Cauca. This article examined the impact of the organizational process on the development of the 2021 National Strike in the northern Cauca. It was hypothesized that community and interethnic organization favored the social protest. To this end, three issues were approached: 1st. The Association of Community Councils of Northern Cauca ACONC; 2nd. The Interethnic and Intercultural Territorial Council of Northern Cauca; and 3rd. The actions of the black communities during the National Strike in Northern Cauca.