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This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular-nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority-Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology.

This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular-nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority-Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology.

ABSTRACT. This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular‐nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority‐Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology.

Elizabeth F. Drexler analyzes how the Indonesian state has sustained itself amid anxieties and insecurities generated by historical and human rights accounts of episodes of earlier violence. In her examination of the Aceh conflict, Drexler demonstrates the falsity of the reigning assumption of international human rights organizations that the exposure of past violence promotes accountability and reconciliation rather than the repetition of abuses. She stresses that failed human rights interventions can be more dangerous than unreconciled conflicts, since the international stage amplifies grievances and provides access for combatants to resources from outside the region. Violent conflict itself, as well as historical narratives of past violence, become critical economic and political capital, deepening the problem. The book concludes with a consideration of the improved prospects for peace in Aceh following the devastating 2004 tsunami. (University of Pennsylvania Press)

"Aceh Nanggroe Darussalam, die nordwestlichste Provinz Indonesiens mit dem Beinamen 'Veranda Mekkas', befindet sich nach dem Tsunami im Jahr 2004 und der Beendigung eines fast 30 Jahre andauernden sezessionistischen Kampfes im Jahr 2005 in einem turbulenten Transformationsprozess. Acehische muslimische Frauenrechtsaktivistinnen entwickeln und rechtfertigen Visionen für ein neues Aceh, stellen Forderungen, konzipieren Strategien und setzen ihre Agenden um. Sie positionieren sich in Aushandlungsprozessen zwischen Religiosität, öffentlichem Raum, dem Nationalstaat und internationalen Konventionen. Allerdings sind sie auch enormen Herausforderungen ausgesetzt, die in einigen Organisationen zu Krisen geführt haben. Der Beitrag zeichnet die komplexe Postkonflikt-Situation von Aktivistinnen in Aceh nach. Trotz der von diesen beschriebenen 'Krise' frauenrechtlicher Organisierung sehen sie sich in der Lage, einen Wandel zu bewirken; die Provinz weist nach wie vor eine aktive frauenrechtliche Organisierung aus." (Autorenreferat)

This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular-nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority-Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology. (Nations and Nationalism)

Nation, Islam, war, and peace -- Aceh, Islam, and Indonesia -- Birth of nationalism -- Rural and global networks -- The nationalist moment -- Violence, money, insurgency -- Islam to nationalism -- From war to peace -- Conclusion

Few studies have looked into why global immunization coverage has plummeted, particularly in Indonesia. The Indonesian government had a childhood immunization program including in Aceh. This study aimed to learn more about immunization coverage in Aceh, Indonesia, and the factors that influence it. This cross-sectional study relied on data from the National Basic Health Surveys conducted in 2013 and 2018. The children in this study ranged in age from 12 to 23. The coverage of vaccines in Aceh fell by 50% between 2013 and 2018. (38.3% to 19.5%, the lowest in Indonesia). The number of children in Aceh who did not receive immunizations increased by 100%. (19.8% to 40.9%). While the percentage of children who have not received their complete vaccination has decreased by 5% (41.9% to 39.56%). The characteristics of the head of household with unvaccinated children were largely poor education, and the majority came from the poorest quartile of wealth. The most common reasons for refusal were families' refusal to allow immunization (43%) and fear of post-immunization fever (32%). Unvaccinated children come from low-income, low-educated families who refuse immunization.

This paper critically studied the perspectives of people living in Aceh, particularly in Bireuen toward the implementation and enforcement of Sharia. This study was conducted by qualitative approaches as a phenomenological study to cope with every idea emerging toward the legalization, implementation, and enforcement of sharia. The data were gathered by open-ended interviews to ensure that each perspective adjacent to the sharia was portrayed clearly. The result indicated that problems existed upon the implementation: the problems of Sharia formalization, unrelated qanun, the position of Sharia authority, polemics of Sharia, and other pros-and-cons of the Sharia itself. Hence, the government, along with relating parties, had to reconsider the strategies and ways in implementing sharia as a legal law. The point here was to make the Acehnese people performed and obeyed Islamic tenets as their dignities as Muslims, not by force or fear of penalties from the government.

This research explores the relations between the so-called normative Islam-as laid down in the canonical texts of the Qur'ān and hadīth-and the ways in which these normative ideas, perceptions and values are expressed in rituals in the society concerned. It pays particular attention to the ways in which the latter forms of ritual expression entail a culturally specific adaptation and valorization of the trans-cultural representations laid down in these Islamic text corpora and to the ways in which-according to local understanding and exegesis-these ritual actions generate a reproduction of the social relationships and their moral foundation in the society concerned. In-depth discussions had been conducted with the participants about the symbols, meanings and values, which they attach to these actions as to their effectiveness in achieving particular social, religious, political and moral aims besides a systematic survey of relevant published sources has complemented this field research. The meticulous examination of the village ritual calendar shows that three different perspectives on this social and moral order prevail: a traditional adat perspective, the historical Islamic perspective, and the modernist Islamic perspective. This attributes to Aneuk Jamee a complex dynamic socio-religious identity within the field of Indonesian cultures.