Suchergebnisse

Introduction : eight years in power : assessing Prime Minister Abe's legacy / James Brown, Guibourg Delamotte, and Robert Dujarric -- Transformation of domestic politics : Abe's durable legacy? / Nonaka Naoto -- Abe Shinzō's economic legacy / R. Taggart Murphy -- Pandemic downsizes Prime Minister Abe Shinzō / Jeff Kingston -- Gender policies and conservative values / Murakami Hiromi -- Prime Minister Abe's security policy : a broader spectrum / Guibourg Delamotte -- Japanese military diplomacy : Abe's security legacy? / Alessio Patalano -- Japan-US relations / Minohara Toshihiro -- Japan's diplomacy toward China under the Abe Shinzō administration / Soeya Yoshihide -- Recriminations & deepened distrust : assessing PM Abe's legacy of mismanaging Japan-ROK relations / Laney Bahan and David Satter White -- Abe Shinzō and the securitization of Japan-North Korea relations / Benoît Hardy-Chartrand -- Testing a theory to destruction : Abe's legacy and relations with Russia / James Brown -- Japan's foreign policy towards the Middle East and Africa under Abe / Kakizaki Masaki -- Japan's global image / Nancy Snow -- Japan and the world under Abe Shinzō's premiership : trying to become a rules-maker / Robert Dujarric.

Tarkastelen maisterintutkielmassani Japanin perustuslain sodan ja sotajoukkojen kieltävää 9. pykälää sekä Japanin turvallisuuspolitiikkaa kahden japanilaisen pääministerin, Koizumi Junichiron ja Abe Shinzon, puheissa. Tutkimuksen tehtävänä on selvittää, miten Koizumi ja Abe perustelevat 9. pykälän tulkinnan ja turvallisuuspolitiikan muutoksia heidän kausillaan sekä verrata tästä syntyviä tuloksia. Tutkimukseni monipuoliseen teoreettiseen viitekehykseen kuuluvat turvallisuus, kansainvälinen yhteisö, utopia ja realismi, rauha sekä retoriikka. Aineiston muodostaa rajattu määrä Koizumin ja Aben puheita, jotka olen valinnut käytyäni puheita läpi laajemmin. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat, että Japanin muuttuvaa turvallisuuspolitiikkaa perustellaan monin eri tavoin suhteessa perustuslakiin. Muutokset voidaan esitellä perustuslaillisina, mutta tämä kysymys sivuutetaan usein. Yhdysvaltojen vaikutus Japanin turvallisuuspolitiikkaan oli merkittävä erityisesti Koizumin kaudella. Sekä Koizumi että Abe naamioivat poliittiset tavoitteensa esimerkiksi humanitaarisuudeksi tai turvallisuudeksi. Koizumin ja Aben väitteistä huolimatta on kuitenkin selvää, että he joutuvat perustelemaan linjauksiaan perustuslain 9. pykälän olemassaolon vuoksi. Tämä luo ristiriidan lain ja käytännön välille. 9. pykälän rauhanomaiset tavoitteet eivät pääse toteutumaan, koska sekä Koizumi että Abe kohtelevat sitä esteenä turvallisuudelle rauhan mahdollisuuden sijaan. ; In my thesis, I examine the war-forbidding Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and Japan's security policy in the speeches of two Japanese prime ministers, Koizumi Junichiro and Abe Shinzo. My aim is to reveal the ways in which Koizumi and Abe justify their interpretations of Article 9 as well as the changes made in security policy during their respective terms. For these ends, a versatile theoretical framework including security, international society, utopia and realism, peace, and rhetoric is exercised. A limited number of Koizumi's and Abe's speeches have been chosen as data after a careful examination of the speeches they have given. The results of this research demonstrate that the changes in Japan's security policy are justified in various manners. They are sometimes presented as constitutional, but this question is often disregarded. The influence of the United States was especially visible during Koizumi's term. Both Koizumi and Abe disguise their political objectives as e.g. humanitarianism or security. Despite Koizumi's and Abe's claims, it is clear that the reason they have to justify their policies is the existence of Article 9. This creates a contradiction between law and practice. The peaceful ideals of Article 9 remain unrealised as both Koizumi and Abe treat it as an obstacle to safety instead of a possibility for peace.

In an interview, Shinzo Abe, Japan's Prime Minister, talked about economic reform. Abe said when he served as prime minister last time, he failed to prioritize his agenda. He was eager to complete everything at once, and ended his administration in failure. He has set the priorities right this time to reflect the concerns of the people, and the results are increasingly noticeable, which may explain the high approval ratings. Japan is facing an extremely rapid decline in birthrates, and Japan's national income has lost as much as 50 trillion yen due to prolonged deflation. Put those together, and you get a much smaller tax base. That is why they are facing a very difficult financial situation, and that was the core concern that led his government to launch the "three arrow" recovery plan. To amend the constitution requires overcoming a high hurdle: they would have to get at least two-thirds of the members of the Japanese parliament and later a simple majority in a national referendum. Adapted from the source document.

This is a slightly expanded version of the talk delivered by the author upon the occasion of the launch of his The State of the Japanese State at Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan (FCCJ), Tokyo, on 17 October 2018.(1) It traces the evolution of Japan, especially under Abe Shinzo, as a "client state" (defined by Wikipedia as "a state that is economically, politically, or militarily subordinate to another, more powerful state") of the United States. It considers what I now refer to as Mark One and Mark Two versions of that "client state" in the post-Cold War era, and discusses the persistent challenge to the clientelist frame arising from the Okinawan refusal to submit to it. It raises finally the possibility of either a Mark Three or of Japan's future sloughing off client state status altogether. Taking off from the book, it goes beyond it.