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AbstractNovice Lee ('Frank') seeks world peace and thinks he has found it in the Liberal world order. He informs the Learned One, head of the monastery. Through their discussions, Frank discovers that the Liberal world order, despite its promises, offers neither 'democracy' nor 'peace'. Turning to the Confucian world order of 'all-under-heaven' (tianxia), they find it similarly top-down and one-way. Finally, Frank and the Learned One, now joined by their brother monks and sister nuns, consider the life of the 7th century monk, Xuanzang. He inspires Frank to imagine a 'worldly world order' where humility and learning drive one's engagements with others, rather than what we have today: hegemony and imperialism.

Key words: amicitia; caritas; justice; unity; Isidore of Seville; Laelius; Cicero; VisigothicSpain. Abstract: The article studies the reception of Cicero's Laelius in Isidore of Seville's sententiae 3, 28-32, that offers the only extant theoretical conceptualization of amicitia as a form of interpersonal relation during the 6th and 7th centuries AD. Over the period, caritas was regularly used to describe social relations. Accordingly, the study's key question is: how was classical concept of amicitia reintegrated into the Christian discourse of 7th century Roman-Barbarian Spain? The article suggests that the question of true unity in friendship was central for Isidore: he reconsiders patristic model of grounding amicitia in caritas that was interpreted as both the principle of right behaviour towards the neighbour and a ground of general political and religious unity of gens Gothorum. Thus, Isidore attempts to correlate the personal relations of amicitia with the principle of caritas that rules and unites the society. This suggestion helps to explain why Isidore pays attention to the ideal of friendship represented in Cicero's Laelius. In the final analysis, the study tries to explain why Isidore builds the chapters on friendship from quotations and allusions on Laelius, suggesting that by these means Isidore's text according to the principles of writing of Late Antiquity, established a set of references between relevant problems of unity and relations in 7th century Visigothic Spain and the authoritative text of the tradition. Riassunto: Nel presente contributo viene studiata la ricezione del Laelius ciceroniano nelle sententiae di Isidoro di Siviglia (nello specifico, 3, 28-32), che offrono l'unica concettualizzazione teorica dell'amicitia, intesa come forma di relazione interpersonale, tra il VI e il VII secolo d.C. In questo periodo, era regolarmente usato il termine caritas per indicare il piano delle relazioni sociali. Costituisce allora il focus di questo studio il seguente interrogativo: come è stato reintegrato il concetto classico di amicitia nel pensiero cristiano della Spagna romano-barbarica di VII secolo? L'articolo cerca di dimostrare che la questione della vera unità, all interno dell amicizia, costituisca un tema centrale di riflessione per Isidoro di Siviglia: egli rivaluta il modello di stampo patristico, che consisteva nel fondare l'amicitia sulla caritas e che, inoltre, era interpretato sia come principio di un retto comportamento verso il prossimo sia come terreno di intesa comune, religiosa e politica, per la gens Gothorum. Isidoro tenta così di correlare i rapport personali di amicizia con la nozione di carità che regola e rinsalda le relazioni sociali. Ciò contribuisce a spiegare perché egli rivolga attenzione all'ideale di amicizia presentato nel Laelius. In ultima istanza, lo studio si propone di illustrare la ragione per cui Isidoro si serva, per scrivere i capitolisull amicizia, di citazioni e di allusioni tratte dal Laelius. In questo senso, nel testo, in ossequio ai principi che regolano la scrittura della tarda antichità, si innesta una trama di riferimenti, tra i problemi riguardanti l'unità e le relazioni nella Spagna visigotica del VII secolo e il testo consegnatoci dalla tradizione.

Key words: amicitia; caritas; justice; unity; Isidore of Seville; Laelius; Cicero; VisigothicSpain. Abstract: The article studies the reception of Cicero's Laelius in Isidore of Seville's sententiae 3, 28-32, that offers the only extant theoretical conceptualization of amicitia as a form of interpersonal relation during the 6th and 7th centuries AD. Over the period, caritas was regularly used to describe social relations. Accordingly, the study's key question is: how was classical concept of amicitia reintegrated into the Christian discourse of 7th century Roman-Barbarian Spain? The article suggests that the question of true unity in friendship was central for Isidore: he reconsiders patristic model of grounding amicitia in caritas that was interpreted as both the principle of right behaviour towards the neighbour and a ground of general political and religious unity of gens Gothorum. Thus, Isidore attempts to correlate the personal relations of amicitia with the principle of caritas that rules and unites the society. This suggestion helps to explain why Isidore pays attention to the ideal of friendship represented in Cicero's Laelius. In the final analysis, the study tries to explain why Isidore builds the chapters on friendship from quotations and allusions on Laelius, suggesting that by these means Isidore's text according to the principles of writing of Late Antiquity, established a set of references between relevant problems of unity and relations in 7th century Visigothic Spain and the authoritative text of the tradition. Riassunto: Nel presente contributo viene studiata la ricezione del Laelius ciceroniano nelle sententiae di Isidoro di Siviglia (nello specifico, 3, 28-32), che offrono l'unica concettualizzazione teorica dell'amicitia, intesa come forma di relazione interpersonale, tra il VI e il VII secolo d.C. In questo periodo, era regolarmente usato il termine caritas per indicare il piano delle relazioni sociali. Costituisce allora il focus di questo studio il seguente interrogativo: come è stato reintegrato il concetto classico di amicitia nel pensiero cristiano della Spagna romano-barbarica di VII secolo? L'articolo cerca di dimostrare che la questione della vera unità, all interno dell amicizia, costituisca un tema centrale di riflessione per Isidoro di Siviglia: egli rivaluta il modello di stampo patristico, che consisteva nel fondare l'amicitia sulla caritas e che, inoltre, era interpretato sia come principio di un retto comportamento verso il prossimo sia come terreno di intesa comune, religiosa e politica, per la gens Gothorum. Isidoro tenta così di correlare i rapport personali di amicizia con la nozione di carità che regola e rinsalda le relazioni sociali. Ciò contribuisce a spiegare perché egli rivolga attenzione all'ideale di amicizia presentato nel Laelius. In ultima istanza, lo studio si propone di illustrare la ragione per cui Isidoro si serva, per scrivere i capitolisull amicizia, di citazioni e di allusioni tratte dal Laelius. In questo senso, nel testo, in ossequio ai principi che regolano la scrittura della tarda antichità, si innesta una trama di riferimenti, tra i problemi riguardanti l'unità e le relazioni nella Spagna visigotica del VII secolo e il testo consegnatoci dalla tradizione.

This study mainly focuses on the formation of the dominant ideology that Nubian rulers conveyed to the Nubian people and aims to show how the ideological influences from Byzantium integrated with the indigenous background into Nubia's political system and created a unique Afro-Byzantine state.

A new examination of the textile fragments found in the Merovingian burials in the basilica of Saint Denis, near Paris, has recently underscored the diversity of fabrics used to make garments in which members of the royal court were buried. Among them, some woolens of fine quality had been dyed with indigotin. The most astonishing fibre found belongs to a mixed textile (not skin) with beaver fibers and wool. Silks contained shellfish purple and in one case kermes? Two dyestuffs associated with royalty and privilege. Along with this was large number of gold threads, probably produced locally and that were used in tablet-woven borders or for embroideries. In addition, several figured silks, of oriental origin, testify to the importance of this "foreign" material and the taste for textiles woven with complex techniques and probably what had originally had beautiful designs. Although none of these designs have been preserved and many colors have been greatly damaged, the technical characteristics of the remnants indicate proveniences as far as Byzantium, Sassanid Persia and the Chinese court. Such precious textiles show the high social status and political power of the Merovingian court, a testament to their ability to access such luxurious and costly textiles through diplomacy and/or trade with other powerful empires. The examination of these rare textiles along with other fine silks and luxury objects from the same period found in France expand our view of the fundamental role of textiles in the political sphere of this early period of European history.

Several modern studies and the Assyrians themselves have claimed not only the extreme military measures but also substantial geo-political impact of Assyrian conquest in the southern Levant; however, examples of Assyrian violence and control are actually underrepresented in the archaeological record. The few scholars that have pointed out this dearth of corroborative data have attributed it to an apathetic attitude adopted by Assyria toward the region during both conquest and political control. I argue in this dissertation that the archaeological record reflects Assyrian military strategy rather than indifference. Data from three case studies, Megiddo, Ashdod, and the Western Negev, suggest that the small number of sites with evidence of destruction and even fewer sites with evidence of Assyrian imperial control are a product of a strategy that allowed Assyria to annex the region with less investment than their annals claim. Furthermore, Assyria's network of imperial outposts monitored international highways in a manner that allowed a small local and foreign population to participate in trade and defense opportunities that ultimately benefited the Assyrian core.

Introduction. The group of jewelry with Christian symbols that existed in the Crimea in the early Middle Ages includes cast bronze rings, on a flat shield of which the image of a holy rider with a cross in his hands is engraved. The rings were found in the South-West Crimea in the burial grounds near the village of Luchistoe, Skalistoe and EskiKermen, as well as in Kerch at the early medieval necropolis of the Bosporus, in the burials of the 7th century. Methods. For the attribution of published products, a circle of analogies is identified, findings from the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire are analyzed. The iconography of the holy rider is compared on various subjects. In the Crimea, three of the published finger rings were found in in situ burials, as part of a closed complex, together with tools with a narrow dating, which makes it possible to clarify the time of existence of this type of products in the region and to determine the method of wearing it. Analysis. The plot depicted on the finger rings has an undeniable resemblance to the scene of the solemn entry of Jesus Christ into Jerusalem, described in all four Gospels and well known from the numerous pictorial monuments of the early medieval period. The iconography of that scene originated in the era of Constantine the Great, under the influence of imperial art and in many ways corresponded to the Triumphal entry of the emperor to Rome or any large city of the empire. The image of Christ the rider on the Crimean finger rings belongs to the iconographic type, which became widespread in the 6th–7th centuries, mainly in Egypt, the Syro-Palestinian region and Asia Minor. The quality of execution of the published rings from the Crimea allows us to speak about their local production. Byzantine products that came to the peninsula thanks to stable trade relations with the empire or were brought by pilgrims from holy places served as models for the Crimean artisans. In the minds of ancient Christians, the image of Christ the rider had a powerful protective power. Placed on the shield of the ring, it endowed the decoration with the properties of an amulet, protecting the person wearing it from all troubles. The rings originating from Crimea belonged to a teenage girl and young women who wore them on their hands – on the right index or ring finger, or in special belt bags, in which, in addition to utilitarian items, various amulets were also put. Results. The study of rings makes it possible not only to expand knowledge about jewelry that existed in the early medieval times, but also to replenish our information about the daily life of the Christian population of the early medieval Crimea.

Two-paneled rectangular plates (type II-2) are represented mostly by silver casted items. Their absolute majority are related with the 7th century hoards found in the Dnipro River region. They are predominantly spread in the middle flow of the Dnipro River and on its left bank. outside its region they are represented by single findings in the Oka River region (Yelizavet-Mikhailovka) and in the Crimea (Suuk-Su). This type plates differ from each other mainly by decoration which peculiarities served for distinction of the variants. Today, not less than ten variants can be named. Variant 1 significantly differs from others by number of findings and the area of the spread. It is peculiar with the apertures in shape of a compound cross. They are usually represented in assemblages by the sets of identical items consisting from two to eight (insignificant differences related to the production process are possible). In cases, when reconstruction of belt sets' completeness is possible, the combination of two-paneled triangular plates with quite settled typological block of belt details can be traced. There are B-shaped buckles with movable panel, shield-shaped and 3-shaped panels, T-shaped plates, as well as belt tips with side openings among them. The issue of chronology of two-paneled rectangular moldings needs the further development. Plates with insets ornamented with granulation, as well as this type plates of two more variants should be referred to the latest examples. Spread of belt sets with the collections of plates of II-2 type, to the author's opinion, marks the military and political union of the Slavs which existed in the second and third quarters of the 7th century on the territory of the middle flow of the Dnipro River and on its left bank. ; Двущитковые прямоугольные накладки (тип ІІ-2) в подавляющем большинстве представлены серебряными ли¬тыми изделиями. Абсолютное их большинство связано с днепровскими кладами VII в. Основным ареалом их распространения является Среднее Приднепровье и Днепровское Левобережье. За пределами этого региона они представлены единичными находками в Поочье (Елизавет-Михайловка)и в Крыму (Суук-Су). Между собой накладки этого типа отличаются, главным образом, декором, особенности которого послужили для выделения вариантов. На сегодня их насчитывается не менее десяти. По количеству находок и широте распространения существенно выделяется вариант 1, для которого характерны прорези в виде сложного креста. В комплексах они, как правило, представлены комплектами, насчитывающими от двух до восьми идентичных изделий (возможны незначительные отличия, связанные с процессом изготовления). В случаях, когда возможна реконструкция комплектности поясных гарнитуров, прослеживается сочетание двущитковых прямоугольных накладок с достаточно устойчивым типологическим блоком деталей поясов. Среди них В-образные пряжки с подвижным щитком, щитообразные накладки, З-образные накладки, Т-образные бляшки, а также поясные на¬конечники с боковыми вырезами. Вопрос хронологии двущитковых прямоугольных накладок требует дальнейшей разработки. К наиболее позд¬ним образцам следует отнести накладки со вставками с орнаментами из зерни, а также накладки этого же типа ещё двух вариантов. Распространение поясных наборов с комплектами накладок типа ІІ-2, по нашему мнению, маркирует военно-политическое объединение славян, существовавшее во второй—третьей четвертях VII в. на территории Среднего Приднепровья и Днепровского Левобережья. ; Статтю присвячено двощитковим прямокутним накладкам поясів, їх типології, території поширення та питанням хронології, а також поясним гарнітурам «геральдичного» стилю, до яких вони входили.