Suchergebnisse

M.MALTESE STUD. ; Epidemic cholera reached Europe for the first time at the beginning of the nineteenth century. After devastating countries all over Europe, it reached Malta in June 1837 finding a poor and destitute population that was too fragile to withstand its onslaught. It attacked the old and weak inmates of the Ospizio and then spread to every corner of the archipelago. The Government, belatedly appointed Committees of Health to deal with the consequences of the epidemic and cholera hospitals were opened in the cities and villages, directives issued and health workers and priests mobilized. The malady wreaked havoc for 3 months attacking 8785 and killing 4252. Many Maltese doctors feared contagion and would not attend the cholera hospital but others and a few British army and navy doctors did not believe it was contagious and cared for the sick and the dying. Parish priests did their best for their parishioners and the monks (especially the Capuchins) contributed immensely to the spiritual needs of the dying. The population at large was in terror; brother shunned brother, mothers abandoned their sick children and sons and daughters would not go near their sick parents. People died in the streets locked out of their homes. Amid all this horror there were courageous and kind persons who took care of the sick and the dying. This thesis considers the relations and conflicts amongst people; the Government, the people, the doctors and the churchmen. Many people were very poor, deeply religious, illiterate, and uneducated, the few were better off but all had to face the destructing calamity of terror. Their reactions and behaviour vary from fear to fatalism, abandonment to attempts at self-preservation. ; N/A

M.A.HUMANITARIAN ACTION ; Humanitarian aid organisations and the military have shared the battlefield over and over again in situations ranging from open conflict to peacekeeping situations. Despite sharing the same geographical space the relationship between the military and aid agencies could only be defined as dysfunctional especially during complex emergency situations. Following the military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq humanitarian-military relations were further strained due to the deployment of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in these two countries – leading to, in the majority of cases, either an arms-length or a co-existential approach towards cooperation between the two 'worlds'. This philosophy has led to an inefficient and possibly ineffective response during these two complex emergencies. This study assesses whether the implementation of the Peacebuilding Systems Theory (PST) in Afghanistan, during the period in question, would have ameliorated the interaction between the PRTs and the aid organisations within the frame work of civil-military cooperation. From a methodological point of view this study implements the PST to an event that occurred in the past and therefore it asks a 'what would have happened' research question with the aim of assessing the applicability of this theory to the Afghan context – thereby creating a counterfactual argument. A number of interviews were conducted with military leaders who deployed to Afghanistan as part of PRTs as well as with aid workers who had direct contact with these civil-military elements. Through the analysis of the primary data collected it was shown that only elements of the PST could have been applied to this context. After the analytical process, a number of recommendations were put forward with the aim of improving cooperation between these two diverse 'worlds' during future complex emergency situations. ; N/A

A plethora of elements have influenced the development of accounting standards and practices, including political, economic, legal, and ethical considerations. Throughout history, these perspectives on accounting have been shaped by the values held at the collective level of each international culture. Geert Hofstede identified four "societal value dimensions" that influence business decisions – individualism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity – and that these value dimensions vary throughout the world. Furthermore, Sidney Gray built upon this framework within the context of accounting values and practices. This paper reviews these theories in relation to major points in the historical timeline of accounting, with an emphasis on the development of the discipline in the United States and a discussion of potential future implications in accounting due to recent political changes. As cultural values impact the values of the accounting industry and thus the overall economy, how do current societal dimensions contribute to the modern political and business realm?

Attitudes towards the Black Lives Matter movement have proven to be divisive since its inception in response to the Trayvon Martin verdict in 2012. This research attempts to explore what factors shape public opinion of #BlackLivesMatter. Specifically, how do White racial attitudes impact perceptions of this 21st century Black liberation movements. Based on survey sampling of 150 white university students [Sacred Heart University, and other colleges including Harvard University, Ithaca University, Curry College, University of Wisconsin in Madison, and Columbia] findings indicate that white racial awareness as measured by Colorblindness and Aggrieved Whiteness significantly impact perceptions of the Black Lives Matter movement. Categorical variables including political affiliation and presidential preference also played an important role in predicting favorable or unfavorable views towards the Black Lives Matter movement.

El texto que se reproduce a continuación es la base escrita ampliada de la conferencia que Antoni Domènech pronunció en la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB) el pasado 26 de octubre en el marco de unas jornadas conmemorativas organizadas por la Comissió del Centenari de la Revolució Russa y por el grupo de investigación GREF-CEFID de la UAB. La conferencia fue seguida de un largo y animado debate, que ha tratado de incorporarse ahora al cuerpo del texto final y, sobre todo, a las notas a pie de página. Por los intercambios críticos habidos en ese debate, el autor se manifiesta particularmente agradecido a los historiadores Borja de Riquer y Enric Prat, a los sociólogos Joaquim Sempere, Edgar Manjarín y Jordi Borja, al politólogo Joan Botella y al economista Daniel Raventós, así como al doctorando Julio Martínez Cava. (SinPermiso publicó el pasado 26 de octubre el texto de la conferencia dictada por el historiador Josep Fontana en el marco de esas mismas jornadas conmemorativas: La revolución rusa y nosotros.)

La fraternidad es el pariente pobre de la tríada democrático-republicana moderna. No sólo políticamente. También filosóficamente: mientras que los conceptos de «igualdad" y "libertad" han sido concienzudamente explorados, "fraternidad», sigue pareciendo una noción amorfa. Este artículo presenta una reivindicación política, a la altura de finales del siglo XX, de la fraternidad, e intenta dibujar filosóficamente, tras un preámbulo histórico, un concepto algo preciso y proteico de ella.

Ova disertacija nudi odgovor na pitanje zbog čega, 17 godina od otpočinjanja demokratske transformacije, službe bezbednosti u Srbiji ne samo da nisu reformisane u potpunosti već je napredak ostvaren u pojedinim oblastima reforme bezbednosno-obaveštajnog sistema skroz urušen, te postoji jak trend povratka na staro. Autor koristi koncept reforme sektora bezbednosti i iz njega izvedene elemente reforme službi bezbednosti, koji služi da se utvrdi željeno stanje u transformaciji službi bezbednosti iz tajne policije u savremene bezbednosno-obaveštajne službe. U radu se koristi i istorijski institucionalizam, koji omogućava da se istraže uslovi, događaji, procesi i akteri koji su uticali na tokove, ishode i domete reforme službi bezbednosti u Srbiji 2000–2017. godine. Posebna pažnja posvećuje se utvrđivanju značaja nasleđa, neformalnih institucija, interesa i odnosa moći između aktera, kao i ideacionih faktora u oblikovanju njihovih odluka u ključnim momentima političkih promena, odnosno kritičnim tačkama reforme službi bezbednosti. Nalazi disertacije potvrdili su glavnu postavku istorijskog institucionalizma: institucije se teško menjaju, a promena službi bezbednosti, kao veoma zatvorenih i konzervativnih aktera koji su navikli na neformalnosti, još je teža. Da bi do promene došlo, neophodno je da politički akteri preduzmu sveobuhvatne i korenite reforme u skladu s konceptom reforme službi bezbednosti, i to u ranim fazama kritičnih tačaka, jer rane odluke utiču na dalji tok i domete reforme. Svaka nepotpuna promena službi bezbednosti omogućava opstanak starih neformalnih pravila koja otežavaju buduće opsežnije promene, te u nepovoljnim političkim uslovima ugrožavaju i napredak ostvaren u pojedinim oblastima reforme bezbednosno-obaveštajnog sistema. ; This dissertation seeks to explain not only why Serbia's security services have not been comprehensively reformed – 17 years since the onset of the country's transition to democracy – but also why progress achieved through certain aspects of security and intelligence service reform has been completely undone, resulting in a powerful regressive trend. In order to establish the desired outcomes of transforming the security services from a secret police force into modern security and intelligence services, the author relies on the concept of security sector reform and elements of security service reform derived therefrom. The paper also draws on historical institutionalism, facilitating exploration of the conditions, events, processes and actors that have influenced the trends, outcomes and scope of security sector reform in Serbia from 2000 to 2017. Particular attention is paid to determining the importance of institutional heritage, informal institutions, interests and power relations between actors, as well as the ideological factors that shaped their decisions at key moments of political change – i.e. during junctures critical for security sector reform. The dissertation's findings confirm the main premise of historical institutionalism: that institutions resist change, and none more so than those as closed, conservative and accustomed to informality as the security services. For change to be enacted, political actors must embark upon comprehensive and deep-rooted reforms that adhere to the principles of security service reform. And they must do so early on in the transition process, since decisions made ahead of time shape the further course and scope of reform. Every incomplete transformation of the security services allows their old, informal habits to persist, hindering more profound change in the future and, in times of political turmoil, endangering the progress achieved in particular aspects of security and intelligence service reform.

Los antropólogos que trabajan conforme al postulado de que la realidad social debe ser explicada en función de su morfología cultural, o por la forma de ordenarse y distribuirse sus componentes, y con independencia del origen de los elementos culturales que se estudian, son considerados estructuralistas. En la antropología estructural predomina el criterio de que el método científico es, sobre todo, una racionalización de la realidad, un entendimiento de la misma por medio del estudio de la razón existente en las cosas y en los símbolos que emplean los hombres para comunicarse, cosas y símbolos que, asimismo, se interpretan como claves para relacionarse con el mundo y con los seres humanos en particular. Estas comunicaciones tienen su significado específico y universal, y el antropólogo estructural busca establecerlas por medio del análisis de la forma de relacionarse unas con otras. El significado de las comunicaciones entre elementos se considera equivalente a su funcionalidad relativa dentro de cada razón cultural o programa para la acción social. En principio, el estructuralismo tiene su crítica dentro de la misma ciencia, que es el lugar donde se corrigen y depuran las posibilidades de los conceptos y de los métodos. Cualquiera que sea esta crítica, lo que aquí no cabe es identificar el método estructural con una actitud política informada por la ideología del statu quo o equilibrio estático, como ha querido definirlo LEFEBVRE (1966, 81), pues que su única clase de comportamiento refiere a un modo de investigar sincrónicamente la realidad. No es tampoco una teoría de la cultura. Es, sobre todo, un método basado en el supuesto de que la explicación de la conducta humana debe apoyarse en el desenvolvimiento de construcciones Iógico-inductivas capaces de mostrar cuáles son los principios y las reglas de un sistema cultural, en cada caso perceptibles en el comportamiento social y en las razones de este comportamiento. Por tanto, este método no establece necesariamente crítica sobre las condiciones, buenas o malas, de la organización institucional de una cultura. Más bien establece análisis sobre las relaciones de sus elementos para el objeto de producir una comprensión de su estructura real. El problema que debemos considerar aquí no consiste, pues, en determinar si un estructuralista es o no partidario del orden sociopolítico de que se ocupa. Por el contrario, se trata de saber si es o no suficiente el conocimiento que obtenemos de la realidad descomponiéndola en elementos y despojándola de su carácter de proceso irreversible. La razón analítica propuesta por el método estructural no consiste, por añadidura, en orientarse hacia una crítica de las instituciones. No propone una actitud política, sino más bien una actitud científica. La actitud politica corresponde formularla en el seno de otro nivel de actuación: en el de la misma praxis social, o en el de la crítica o aprobación moral de la estructura institucional de la sociedad, o de una sociedad en concreto. Éste no es el caso cuando el método busca saber sólo cómo es un fenómeno, y no cómo debe ser. El nivel del deber ser (cf. ESTEVA 1957-a, 421 y SS.) pertenece a la acción política y a la filosofía social, pero no es propiamente el de la ciencia considerada como un medio de objetivacibn de la realidad. El método estructural existe como un uaso necesario de aquella clase I de investigación que se propone describir y explicar el comportamiento de conjuntos. Exige una cierta capacidad para la clasificación y para el análisis, y tiende a explicar más la realidad en función de lo que constituyen sus reducciones racionales, que en función de lo que es el mismo proceso pluricausal. En este sentido, la explicación estructural es racional. Aquí procuraremos considerar lo que son propiamente las inclinaciones del método estructural en Antropología, y asumiremos su problemática en el mismo curso de las cuestiones aue trataremos. No nos pronunciamos contrarios ni favorables ver se. Más Gen reconocemos su utilildad como método aplicado al crecimiento de una teoría antropol6gica de grado medio, indispensable para el desenvolvimiento de una teoría antropológica integral que la vemos más en el futuro que en el presente.