Suchergebnisse

Continues: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; p. 89-109 ; The article attempts to discuss initial Polish reactions to the Bolshevik coup d'état. In late 1917 to early 1918, the majority of commentators were all convinced that Bolshevik rule would be short-lived. It was also generally agreed that Lenin and his party were a destructive force that was continuing the work of destroying the tsarist empire that had begun with the outbreak of the February Revolution. Though undoubtedly dominant, ideologically motivated criticism of Bolshevism was not universal in Poland. Some commentators – mainly leftists – stressed the importance of the Bolshevik anti-war slogans and what was believed to be their positive attitude towards the issue of the self-determination of nations. ; Czasop. kontynuuje numerację wydaw. pt.: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; s. 89-109 ; W artykule podjęto próbę omówienia pierwszych polskich reakcji na przewrót bolszewicki. Na przełomie 1917 i 1918 r. wspólne zdecydowanej większości komentatorów było przekonanie o nietrwałości rządów bolszewickich. Zgadzano się też zazwyczaj, że Lenin i jego partia to siła destrukcyjna, kontynuująca rozpoczęte wraz z wybuchem rewolucji lutowej dzieło zniszczenia imperium carskiego. Motywowana ideologicznie krytyka bolszewizmu choć niewątpliwie dominowała nie była na gruncie polskim powszechna. Część komentatorów, głównie lewicowych, akcentowała znaczenie antywojennych haseł bolszewików i – jak wierzono – ich pozytywny stosunek do kwestii samostanowienia narodów.

The study is an attempt to describe the diplomatic activities of Szymon Askenazy after the revival of the Polish state, and especially their least known chapter, which was his struggle for the shape of the borders of the reborn Republic of Poland in Geneva, 1921–1923. It was one of the hottest periods in the history of Polish diplomacy. Askenazy represented the interests of the reborn Poland, his chosen homeland. However, his actions did not always receive general approval of the main camps of Polish politics. He was also a spokesperson for the concept of Jews' double consciousness: Jewish and Polish. In his opinion, Jews should maintain their religion and culture, but at the same time "let them combine it with a sense of Polishness and Polish patriotism". ; p. 47-100 ; Summary in Polish and English. ; Studium jest próbą opracowania działalności dyplomatycznej Szymona Askenazego po odrodzeniu państwa polskiego, a zwłaszcza najmniej znanej karty, jaką była jego walka o kształt granic odrodzonej Rzeczypospolitej w Genewie 1921–1923. Był to jeden z najgorętszych okresów w historii dyplomacji polskiej. Askenazy reprezentował interesy odrodzonej Polski, będącej jego ojczyzną z wyboru. Jego działania nie spotkały się jednak z powszechną aprobatą głównych obozów polityki polskiej. Był też rzecznikiem koncepcji podwójnej świadomości Żydów: żydowskiej i polskiej. Jego zdaniem Żydzi zachować winni swoją religię i kulturę, ale zarazem "niechaj połączą to z poczuciem polskości i patriotyzmu polskiego". ; s. 47-100 ; Streszcz. pol., ang.

The Polish-Soviet War (1919–20) is one of the key events in the process of implementation of the Versailles order in Eastern Europe. Having saved the Versailles deal, the war gave the nations of Central and Eastern Europe an extremely valuable opportunity, for twenty years, to decide about themselves and build their own nation states on the remnants of three empires, which disintegrated in the aftermath of the geopolitical revolution brought by the Great War (1914–18). From the very beginning, the West did not understand the geopolitical significance of the Polish-Soviet War, seen as a local conflict of two countries, triggered by 'Polish imperialism'. ; p. 141-158 ; Book reviewed : Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu : 1920 - zapomniany appeasement / Andrzej Nowak. - Kraków : Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2015. ; The Polish-Soviet War (1919–20) is one of the key events in the process of implementation of the Versailles order in Eastern Europe. Having saved the Versailles deal, the war gave the nations of Central and Eastern Europe an extremely valuable opportunity, for twenty years, to decide about themselves and build their own nation states on the remnants of three empires, which disintegrated in the aftermath of the geopolitical revolution brought by the Great War (1914–18). From the very beginning, the West did not understand the geopolitical significance of the Polish-Soviet War, seen as a local conflict of two countries, triggered by 'Polish imperialism'. ; s. 141-158 ; Tytuł pracy recenzowanej: Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu : 1920 - zapomniany appeasement / Andrzej Nowak. - Kraków : Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2015.

The First World War imposed a severe stigma on the Lemko people, the Ruthenian mountaineers residing on the northern mountainside of the Carpathians. Military operations, political repressions, malnutrition, and epidemics of contagious diseases caused severe damages and losses in the population and materials. In the late 1914 and early 1915, the front-line was set through the Lemko Land. The area's eastern part was occupied for several months by the Russians. The occupational authorities planned to annex the area after the war, as they recognised the Lemkos as part of the Russian nation. On the other hand, the Lemko people were generally treated by the Austro-Hungarian authorities with suspicion, as allegedly favouring Russia. They were accused of sabotage and collaboration with the occupiers. Many a Lemko was executed, often without any proof of guilt whatsoever. Some 2,000 were sent to an internment camp in Thalerhof, not far from Graz. The war facilitated the split among the Lemkos into those who considered themselves members of a Ukrainian nation and those who recognised themselves as a separate ethnic group. ; p. 7-36 ; The First World War imposed a severe stigma on the Lemko people, the Ruthenian mountaineers residing on the northern mountainside of the Carpathians. Military operations, political repressions, malnutrition, and epidemics of contagious diseases caused severe damages and losses in the population and materials. In the late 1914 and early 1915, the front-line was set through the Lemko Land. The area's eastern part was occupied for several months by the Russians. The occupational authorities planned to annex the area after the war, as they recognised the Lemkos as part of the Russian nation. On the other hand, the Lemko people were generally treated by the Austro-Hungarian authorities with suspicion, as allegedly favouring Russia. They were accused of sabotage and collaboration with the occupiers. Many a Lemko was executed, often without any proof of guilt whatsoever. Some 2,000 were sent to an internment camp in Thalerhof, not far from Graz. The war facilitated the split among the Lemkos into those who considered themselves members of a Ukrainian nation and those who recognised themselves as a separate ethnic group. ; s. 7-36

Greinin fjallar um störf aðstoðarmanna ráðherra og hvernig bakgrunnur þeirra hefur breyst á tímabilinu 1971-2005. Skoðaðir eru m.a. eftirfarandi þættir: aldur, menntun, starfsreynsla og pólitísk þátttaka. Á grundvelli þessarar greiningar er reynt að meta hvort viðfangsefni aðstoðarmanna ráðherra hafi breyst á tímabilinu. Fram kemur að á sl. tíu árum hafi orðið umtalsverðar breytingar á bakgrunni aðstoðarmanna sem felast m.a. í því að oftar eru ráðnir einstaklingar sem hafa nýlega lokið námi og eru stutt á veg komnir á sínum starfsferli. Fátíðara er orðið að ráðnir séu einstaklingar sem geta talist sérfræðingar á málefnasviði ráðuneytis. Fjallað er um hugsanlegar skýringar á þessari þróun.